Human evolution theory utilizing concepts of neoteny & female sexual selection
An etiology of neuropsychological disorders such as autism and dyslexia, and the origin of left handedness.

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 Library of Excerpts

Indo-European Culture


"It is no mere coincidence that the venerated goddess of the sixth and fifth centuries in Ancient Greece resembles the Goddess of Life and Death of the sixth and fifth millennia BC. Mythical images last for many millennia. In her various manifestations -- strong and beautiful Virgin, Bear-Mother, and Life-giver and Life-taker -- the Great Goddess existed for at least five thousand years before the appearance of Classical Greek civilization. Village communities worship her to this day in the guise of the Virgin Mary. The concept of the goddess in bear shape was deeply ingrained in mythical thought through the millennia and survives in contemporary Crete as 'Virgin Mary of the Bear'. In the cave of Acrotiri near ancient Kydonia, a festival in honour of Panagia (Mary) Arkoudiotissa ('she or the bear') is celebrated on the second day of February (Thompson 1961-62). In European folk beliefs, she still moves within pregnant women in the shape of a wandering uterus or a toad. Each of her feminine aspects, virginity, birth-giving and motherhood, as well as her Terrible Mother aspect, is well represented in figurine art throughout the Neolithic and Chalcolithic eras of Old Europe." (Marija Gimbutas (1974) The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe. Univ. of California Press, Berkeley p. 199-200)

"The Kurgan solution is attractive and has been accepted by many archaeologists and linguists, in part or total. It is the solution one encounters in the Encyclopedia Britannica and the Grand Dictionnaire Encyclopedique Larousse. It describes Indo-European expansions in a framework congruent with expectation, and perhaps most importantly, it derives the Proto-Indo-Europeans from the Pontic-Caspian region, a territory which its bitterest opponents would normally admit was at least Indo-Iranian and undisturbed by population intrusions since the beginning of the Neolithic." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 185)

"In sum, three of the five predictions -- those involving mate preference for earning potential, relative youth, and physical attractiveness -- were strongly confirmed across cultures. The prediction regarding ambition-industriousness was confirmed only in 29 samples, and showed a significant reversal among the Zulu. The chastity prediction received still less empirical support, with only 23 of the 37 samples showing significant sex differences." (Buss, D.M. (1989) Sex differences in human mate selection: Evolutionary hypotheses tested in 37 cultures. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 12 (1): pp. 13)

"For it is now perfectly clear that before the violent entry of the late Bronze and early Iron Age nomadic Aryan cattle-herders from the north and Semitic sheep-and-goat-herders from the south into the old cult sites of the ancient world, there had prevailed in that world an essentially organic, vegetal, non-heroic view of the nature and necessities of life that was completely repugnant to those lion hearts for whom not the patient toil of earth but the battle spear and its plunder were the source of both wealth and joy. In the older mother myths and rites the light and darker aspects of the mixed thing that is life had been honored equally and together, whereas in the later, male-oriented, partriarchal myths, all that is good and noble was attributed to the new, heroic master of gods, leaving to the native nature powers the character only of darkness--to which, also, a negative moral judgment now was added. For, as a great body of evidence shows, the social as well as mythic orders of the two contrasting ways of life were opposed. Where the goddess had been venerated as the giver and supporter of life as well as consumer of the dead, women as her representatives had been accorded a paramount position in society as well as in cult. Such an order of female-dominated social and cultic custom is termed, in a broad and general way, the order of Mother Right. And opposed to such, without quarter, is the order of the Patriarchy, with an ardor of righteous eloquence and a fury of fire and sword." (Campbell, J (1964) The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology Vol.3. Viking Press, New York p. 21-2)

"It is noteworthy that chastity shows greater cross-cultural variability than any other rated variable in this study. ... The fifth evolution-based prediction, that males would value chastity in potential mates more than would females, was supported in 23 out of the 37 samples. In the remaining 14 samples, no significant sex differences emerged. Samples from Africa, the Middle East, South America, and Eastern Europe generally show the predicted sex differences in preferences for chastity in a potential mate. Many of the samples indicating no sex differences were concentrated in Western Europe, Canada, New Zealand, China, and Indonesia. These results provide modest support for the evolutionary hypothesis based on paternity probability. The wide variation in preference for chastity suggests that cultural differences, ecological differences, or mating system differences exert powerful effects on the value attached to chastity." (Buss, D.M. (1989) Sex differences in human mate selection: Evolutionary hypotheses tested in 37 cultures. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 12 (1): pp. 12)

"Conscious egohood is intensified in the civilizational process. The walls that rise up to isolate the city from nature also rise up to isolate the citizen from nature. The continuum is broken, and the rise of writing helps to break up as well the continuum of the sensorium, to locate consciousness in the written word. What the written word is to the sensorium, the ego is to the entire consciousness, and the city is to the entire encirclement of nature. Writing, individuation, and civilization are all parts of one larger cultural phenomenology. Because civilization is at a moment of overripeness in the Third Dynasty of Ur, the whole civilization process is being lifted up into consciousness in the Gilgamesh epic. "The owl of Minerva flies at dusk."" (Thompson, W.I. (1981) The Time Falling Bodies Take To Light; St. Martin’s Press: New York p. 196)

"As a supreme Creator who creates from her own substance she is the primary goddess of the Old European pantheon. In this she contrasts with the Indo-European Earth-Mother, who is the impalpable sacred earth-spirit and is not in herself a creative principle; only through the interaction of the male sky-god does she become pregnant." (Marija Gimbutas (1974) The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe. Univ. of California Press, Berkeley p. 196)

"In Greece, as in India, the Great Goddess survived the superimposed Indo-European cultural horizon. As the predecessor of Anatolian and Greek Hekate-Artemis (related to Kubaba, Kybebe/Cybele) she lived through the Bronze Age, then through Classical Greece and even into later history in spite of transformations of her outer form and the many different names that were applied to her. The image of Hekate-Artemis of Caria, Lydia and Greece, based on descriptions of early Greek authors, vase paintings, and finds in actual sanctuaries dedicated to this multifunctional goddess, supplement and verify our understanding of the appearance and functions of the prehistoric goddess. Written sources pour blood into her veins of stone, clay, bone or gold." (Marija Gimbutas (1974) The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe. Univ. of California Press, Berkeley p. 197)

"It is no mere coincidence that the venerated goddess of the sixth and fifth centuries in Ancient Greece resembles the Goddess of Life and Death of the sixth and fifth millennia BC. Mythical images lst for many millennia. In her various manifestations -- strong and beautiful Virgin, Bear-Mother, and Life-giver and Life-taker -- the Great Goddess existed for at least five thousand years before the appearance of Classical Greek civilization. Village communities worship her to this day in the guise of the Virgin Mary. The concept of the goddess in bear shape was deeply ingrained in mythical thought through the millennia and survives in contemporary Crete as 'Virgin Mary of the Bear'. In the cave of Acrotiri near ancient Kydonia, a festival in honour of Panagia (Mary) Arkoudiotissa ('she or the bear') is celebrated on the second day of February (Thompson 1961-62). In European folk beliefs, she still moves within pregnant women in the shape of a wandering uterus or a toad. Each of her feminine aspects, virginity, birth-giving and motherhood, as well as her Terrible Mother aspect, is well represented in figurine art throughout the Neolithic and Chalcolithic eras of Old Europe." (Marija Gimbutas (1974) The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe. Univ. of California Press, Berkeley p. 199-200)

"It is an effect of the conquest of a local matriarchal order by invading patriarchal nomads, and their reshaping of the local lore of the productive earth to their own ends. It is an example, also, of the employment of a priestly device of mythological defamation, which has been in constant use (chiefly, but not solely, by Western theologians) ever since. It consists simply in terming the gods of other people demons, enlarging one's own counterparts to hegemony over the universe, and then inventing all sorts of both great and little secondary myths to illustrate, on the one hand, the importance and malice of the demons and, on the other, the majesty and righteousness of the great god or gods. It is used in the present case to validate in mythological terms not only a new social order but also a new psychology--and to this extent must be understood as in a certain sense representative not of sheer fraud but of a new truth: a new structure of human thought and feeling, overinterpreted as of cosmic reach." (Campbell, J (1964) The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology Vol.3. Viking Press, New York p. 80)

"The resemblance of this victory to that of Indra, king of the Vedic pantheon, over the cosmic serpent Vritra is beyond question. The two myths are variants of a single archetype. Furthermore, in each the role of the anti-god has been assigned to a figure from an earlier mythology--in Greece, of the Palasgians, in India, of the Dravidians--daemons that formerly had symbolized the force of the cosmic order itself, the dark mystery of time, which licks up hero deeds like dust: the force of the never-dying serpent, sloughing lives like skins, which, pressing on, ever turning in its circle of eternal return, is to continued in this manner forever, as it has already cycled from all eternity, getting absolutely nowhere." (Campbell, J (1964) The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology Vol.3. Viking Press, New York p. 24)

"Where we find great similarity of speech over a large area we can normally assume a recent expansion since the factors of time and distance will normally reduce a single language into a continuum of mutually related but increasingly different languages. This being so, the similarity of the Indo-Europeans languages when we first encounter them historically, stretching from the Atlantic to India, all speak for their relatively recent spread from a more confined area. To ascribe to such a dispersion a very great antiquity would be to attribute to the Proto-Indo-European language properties wholly contrary not only to all the evidence from the world's other languages but also to human behavior itself. In short, the Indo-European hypothesis presupposes a Proto-Indo-European language spoken by a population in some area of Eurasia severely more confined than their earliest historical distribution. How confined, when and where will be problems for later chapters." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 23)

"Since we have already proposed migrations from the Balkans into Greece as early as the third millennium BC, logic compels us to assume that by this time Southeast Europe was already a source of Into-European languages. This is certainly not at variance with the majority opinion among Southeast European archaelogists who seek the earliest appearance of Indo-European speakers in the discontinuity that follows the Late Neolithic/Eneolithic cultures of the region. The date for this must be very generally set to about 3500 BC and includes a wide variety of local cultures, for example, Maliq III in Albania; Karanovo VII or Ezero in Bulgaria; and Baden-Kostolac in the west Balkans. The Balkan-Danubian complex has been proposed as a convenient label for all of these cultures, and it does provide a basis after which continuity is the dominant theme of the archaeological record." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 109)

"Nothing can make years of attempts to recover social systems on the basis of detailed studies of mortuary evidence appear so futile as to be informed by a linguist that the Proto-Indo-European community appears to have employed an Omaha-type kinship system, since no one knows what this should look like 'on the ground'. All linguistic evidence suggests that Proto-Indo-European society was patrilineal in descent and male dominated according to the much-overworked term patriarchal. We lack a common term for husband or wife although we can recover a Proto-Indo-European *widhewa 'widow'. We cannot reconstruct a common word for marriage for Proto-Indo-European; but as we have seen, many Indo-European languages do employ the same Proto-Indo-European verb *wedh- 'to lead (home)' when expressing the act of becoming married, from the groom's point of view. This suggests that the residence rules of the Proto-Indo-Europeans involved the woman going to live in the house of her husband or with his family. Among the kinship relations, the roles of the mother's brother and the corresponding sister's son is of especial interest. The basic linguistic forms appear to be *aw(y)os for both the mother's father and mother's brother and *nepots for both grandson and sister's son, a pattern that some argue is congruent with the skewing of generations found n the Omaha system." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 123-4)

"There is, for example, brachycephalizaton. For the past ten thousand years, the heads of people have been growing rounder in populations as far apart as Europe, India, Polynesia, and North America. In rural Poland, between the Carpathian Mountains and the Baltic Sea, anthropologists have documented the trend in skeletons from about 1300 to the early twentieth century, embracing about thirty generations. The change is due principally to the slightly higher survival rate of round-heads, and not to the influx of brachycephalics from outside Poland. The trait has a partial genetic basis, but the reason for its greater Darwinian success, if any, remains unknown." (Wilson, E.O. (1998) Consilience. Knoff, New York p. 271)

"The mythological evidence primarily drawn from the Indians and Iraniana, but also from the Greeks, Romans, Germans, Celts and Hittites, Lincoln reconstructs an Indo-European myth of the first cattle raid. This concerned a hero figure *Trito 'third' (Vedic Trita Aptya, Avestan Thraetaona Athwya, Greek Herakles, Norse Hymir, Hittite Hupasiya) who loses his cattle to a three-headed monster, normally a serpent, which at least in Indo-Iranian tradition is closely associated with local non-Indo-European populations." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 137)

"As we have seen, the opposition between the Proto-Indo-European words for right and left also presents a systematic opposition between the concepts of propitious, healthy, strong, dexterous (Latin dexter, Sanskrit daksina, Avestan dasina-, Lithuanian desine, Old Church Slavonic desn, Greek dexios, Old Irish dess, Albanian djathte, and so on, from Proto-Indo-European *deks-), and the left which is unfavourable, unsound, weak, or, to use the Latin again, sinister. " (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 140)

"The Kurgan solution is attractive and has been accepted by many archaeologists and linguists, in part or total. It is the solution one encounters in the Encyclopedia Britannica and the Grand Dictionnaire Encyclopedique Larousse. It describes Indo-European expansions in a framework congruent with expectation, and perhaps most importantly, it derives the Proto-Indo-Europeans from the Pontic-Caspian region, a territory which its bitterest opponents would normally admit was at least Indo-Iranian and undisturbed by population intrusions since the beginning of the Neolithic." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 185)

"The great number of burials also provides considerable evidence for the physical type of the Dnieper-Donets population. They are predominantly characterized as late Cro-Magnons with more massive and robust features than the gracile Mediterranean peoples of the Balkan Neolithic. With males averaging about 172 centimetres in height they are a fairly tall people within the context of Neolithic populations." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 191)

"Studies on kurgan burials in Romania, for example, have revealed that the more robust-appearing kurgan males averaging up to 10 centimetres taller than the native Eneolithic population." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 240)

"Proto-Indo-European probably evolved out of the languages spoken by hunter-fisher communities in the Pontic-Caspian region. It is impossible to select which languages and what areas, though a linguistic continuum from the Dnieper east to the Volga would be possible. Settlement would have been confined primarily to the major river valleys and their tributaries, and this may have resulted in considerable linguistic ramification. But the introduction of stockbreeding, and the domestication of the horse, permitted the exploitation of the open steppe. With the subsequent development of wheeled vehicles in this area, highly mobile communities would have interacted regularly with the more sedentary river valley and forest-steppe communities. During the period to which we notionally assign Proto-Indo-European (4500-2500 BC), most of the Pontic-Caspian served as a vast interaction sphere." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 264)

"When left with a choice between an archaeological model that is unconfirmed versus one that seems linguistically inplausible, I would opt for the former hoping, like Miroslav Buchvaldek, that future evidence may rescue it. Hence, I would have to take it on intuition that some form of historical relationship between the Pontic and Central and Northern Europe will eventually be demonstrated, even if the evidence today is not convincing. Either way, it is most probable that the Corded Ware horizon provided the vector for a series of Indo-European languages that spread both to the west as far as Holland and east into the Baltic and upper Volga. Out of this later emerged possibly the Celtic and Italic, and more certainly the Germanic, Baltic and Slavic languages." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 264)

"It is irrelevant whether we regard ourselves as Europeans, Asians, Africans, or Americans, we cannot escape this legacy if we speak an Indo-European language. We cannot ask questions of where, when, who or how, or answer them with our most basic pronouns, we cannot count, refer to the basic parts of our bodies, describe our environment, the heavens, basic animals or relatives, or express our most fundamental actions, without making frequent recourse to an inherited system of speech that our linguistic ancestors shared 6,000 years ago." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 272)

"For whether we think of the victories of Zeus and Apollo, Theseus, Perseus, Jason, and the rest, over the dragons of the Golden Age, or turn to that of Yahweh over Leviathan, the lesson is equally of a self-moving power greater than the force of any earthbound serpent destiny. All stand (to use Miss Harrison's phrase) "first and foremost as a protest against the worship of Earth and the daimones of the fertility of Earth." " (Campbell, J (1964) The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology Vol.3. Viking Press, New York p. 25)

"Whall we be astonished, then, to learn that the name of the priestly tribe of Levi, the chief protagonists of Yahweh, was derived from the same verbal root as the word Leviathan?" (Campbell, J (1964) The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology Vol.3. Viking Press, New York p. 30)


"Before, all the processes of culture were connected with the cycles of nature; in death, tribal man simply returned to the Great Mother. But when civilized man sets up walls between himself and the forest, and when he sets up his personal name against the stars, he ensures that the now-isolated ego will cry out in painful recognition of its complete alienation in the fear of death." (Thompson, W.I. (1981) The Time Falling Bodies Take To Light. St. Martin’s Press: New York pp. 196-7)

"From Neolithic villages to organized state, from gardening to irrigation farming, from inconography to writing, from disorganized raids to institutionalized warfare, from custom to law, from matriarchal religious authority to patriarchal political power, from mystery to history; the transformation was so complete that the past itself was reinvented to create a new foundation for a radically altered present. Now that we ourselves are moving into a radically altered present, it is small wonder that the patriarchal image of prehistory is disintegrating. The movement into the future always involves the revisioning of the past." (Thompson, W.I. (1981) The Time Falling Bodies Take To Light. St. Martin’s Press: New York p. 208)

"And retaining all their savagery while finding their powers of attack and plunder increased, they soon became a source of really terrible danger to the farming villages and merchant cities of the primary zone. Their style was pastoral, not sedentary, stressing stock-breeding, not agriculture; and even though they had not yet mastered the warrior's mount, the horse they were adequately mobile with oxen carts and could readily surprise and overwhelm a sleeping town. They could also drive and scatter their less advanced paleolithic cousins to the wastelands of the arctic north. And they could move eastward as well, toward China. We may think of the arc above the Black Sea as their matrix---Bulgaria, Rumania, and the Ukraine---the lands of the lower Danube, Dnieper, and Don. But the reach of their influence has been traced from the arctic to the tropics, and from Ireland to the South China Sea." Campbell, Joseph (1959) The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. Penquin Books: New York p. 429)

"The feminine rituals are only in a kind of cycle, whilst the monotheistic religion has, as it were, a verticle line. Jung in a talk, once drew a most illuminating image, describing the mother religions as an uroboros, the circled serpent with its tail in its mouth. It always remained a circle. And then came a moment, a mysterious moment, when it let go of its tail and raised its head, and that created the vertical, which stands for the beginning of history really, in a progressive way....When the serpent puts his head up is a mysterious moment, for one cannot really explain it, and from a Darwinian point of view you will never get to catch the mystery of consciousness." (Kluger RS (1991) The Archetypal Significance of Gilgamesh. Daimon Varlag: Einsiedeln pp. 76-7)

"The Dutch scholar Bohl, in his important book on the Gilgamesh Epic, assumes that the whole epic is an expression of a theological conflict between Uruk, where the goddess Ishtar rules, and Larsa, the center of the worship of the sun god. The epic, from a theological, political viewpoint, expresses the fight between Shamash as an ethical moral god, the god of justice, and the unaccountable, earth goddess Ishtar with her vegetation rites." (Kluger RS (1991) The Archetypal Significance of Gilgamesh. Daimon Varlag: Einsiedeln p. 104)

"But through his life and death, Gilgamesh gains the light experience which helps him to find a life beyond the nature cycle of the life-giving and life-taking mother." (Kluger RS (1991) The Archetypal Significance of Gilgamesh. Daimon Varlag: Einsiedeln p. 155)

"Somewhere around 2000 B.C.E. the remnants of the prehistoric matristic cultures begin to be eliminated in new religions, new cosmologies, new ritualistic works of literature." (Thompson, William Irwin (1996) Coming Into Being. St. Martin’s Press: New York p. 194)

"In western Europe, depictions of the Snake Goddess continued up to the Celtic La Tene culture in France, 4th to 3rd centuries B. C." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 236)

" In European folklore, the White Goddess of Death is also expressed in these two forms, bird of prey and poisonous snake." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 242)

"In other words, given that attractiveness varies with age, individuals may be more or less attractive than others of the same age in part because they have facial proportions associated with younger or older ages. Because the retention of traits from early stages of the life cycle into later stages, relative to ancestors or to other members of the population, is known as neoteny ("holding on to youth"), the proposition above may be rephrased: given that attractiveness varies with age, neoteny may be a component of facial attractiveness. This proposition may hold with particular force for female facial attractiveness: a by-product of the human male's attraction to markers of youthful fecundity may be an attraction to adult females presenting markers of youth to an exaggerated or "supernormal" degree." (Jones, Doug (1995) Sexual selection, physical attractiveness, and facial neoteny: cross-cultural evidence and implications. Current Anthropology 36 (5): pp. 728)

[quote from Gowaty, 1992, p. 231-240] "Juvenilization decreases the threat some men may feel when confronted with women; many men are comfortable around women whom they can clearly dominate and are profoundly uncomfortable around women whom they cannot so clearly dominant. The hypothesis that femininity signals ability to be dominated through juvenilization is an alternative to, but not necessarily mutually exclusive of, other evolutionary hypotheses that posit that femininity signals, sometimes deceptively, reproductive value and fertility." (Jones, Doug (1995) Sexual selection, physical attractiveness, and facial neoteny: cross-cultural evidence and implications. Current Anthropology 36 (5): pp. 727)

Describes differences in Goddess Culture and Indo European burial practices. (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 281)

Description of Strabo, a 1st century B.C. Greek, discussing that the Crete inhabitants had a woman's brother bring up her children. (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 346)

"The Proto- or Early Indo-Europeans, whom I have labelled "Kurgan" people, arrived from the east, from southern Russia, on horseback. Their first contact with the borderland territories of Old Europe in the Lower Dnieper region and west of the Black Sea began around the middle of the 5th millennium B. C. A continuous flow of influences and people into east-central Europe was initiated which lasted for two millennia. ... The materials of the Volga-Ural interfluve and beyond the Caspian Sea prior to the 7th millennium B.C. are, so far, not sufficient for ethnographic interpretation. More substantive evidence emerges only around 5000 B C. We can begin to speak of "Kurgan people" when they conquered the steppe region north of the Black Sea around 4500 B.C. ... "No weapons except implements for hunting are found among grave goods in Europe until c. 4500-4300 B.C., nor is there evidence of hilltop fortification of Old European settlements. The gentle agriculturalists, therefore, were easy prey to the warlike Kurgan horsemen who swarmed down upon them. These invaders were armed with thrusting and cutting weapons; long dagger-knives, spears, halberds, and bows and arrows. ... The Kurgan tradition became manifest in Old European territories during three waves of infiltration: I at c. 4400-4300 B.C., II at c. 3500 B. C., and III soon after 3000 B.C. ... The livelihood and mobility of the Kurgan people depended on the domesticated horse, in sharp contrast to the Old European agriculturalists to whom the horse was unknown. Pastoral economy, growing herds of large animals, horse riding, and the need for male strength to control the animals must have contributed to the transition from matrism to armored patrism in southern Russia and beyond at the latest around 5000 B.C." {see more on this page) (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 352)

"Horse domestication may have taken place in the area between the eastern Ukraine and the northern Kazakhstan around 5000B.C. or earlier, most likely at forest edges and close to rivers whose basins were also forested. It is not surprising that the earliest evidence for the presence of the domesticated horse comes from the forest steppe of the Middle Volga basin where a Neolithic economy--stock breeding and small-scale farming--was present from the end of the 7th millennium B.C. The earliest artifacts associated with the cult of the horse and evidence for horse sacrifice have been discovered in the Middle Volga region from this time, i.e. around 5000 B.C." {see this page for more information} (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 353)

"The bovine remained the main draft animal of the Volga Neolithic as evidenced by figurines of probably yoked oxen while the swift horse became the"motor" of transport. This innovation cut travelling time by a factor of five or more, nullifying whatever territorial boundaries had previously existed. These developments largely affected the exploration of steppe resources and virtually all other aspects of life. Riding provided the ability to strike out across great distances, instigated cattle-looting or horse-stealing raids, the accumulation of wealth, trading capacities, and the developments of violence and warfare. Once the steppe was conquered, it inevitably became a source of outward migration. ... Almost identical ornaments, tools, and weapons in sites thousands of kilometers apart speak for an unprecedented mobility between the tribal groups. .... Horse riding changed the course of European prehistory." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 354)

See maps (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. pp. 358-9)

"The discontinuity of Varna, Karanovo, Vinca, and Lengyel cultures in their main territories and the large scale population shifts to the north and northwest are indirect evidence of a catastrophe of such proportions that cannot be explained by possible climatic change, land exhaustion, or epidemics (for which there is no evidence in the second half of the 5th millennium B. C.). Direct evidence of the incursion of horse -riding warriors is found, not only in single burials of males under barrows, but in the emergence of a whole complex of Kurgan cultural traits: hilltop settlements, the presence of horses, the predominance of a pastoral economy, signs of violence, and patriarchy, and religious symbols that emphasize a sun cult. These elements are tightly knit within the social, economic, and religious structure of the Kurgan culture." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 364)

"It is readily apparent that a portion of central Europe was Kurganized to varying degrees soon after the first Kurgan wave. While the civilization of Old Europe was agricultural, matricentric, and matrilineal, a transformation took place around 4000 B.C. to a mixed agricultural-pastoral economy and a classed patriarchal society which I interpret as a successful process or Indo-Europeanization. There was a considerable increase in husbandry over tillage. The change of social structure, religion, and economy was not a gradual indigenous development from Old Europe, but a collision and gradual hybridization of two societies and of two ideologies." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 365)

Description of metallugical and ceramic character of combined Indo-European and Matristic cultures. (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 371)

" A study of the physical types of the population shows that the Kurgan warrior groups were not massive in numbers and did not eradicate the local inhabitants. They came in small migrating bands and established themselves forcefully as a small ruling elite." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 389)

Description of language structure of lineal or kinship organization (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 394)

"The Old European and Indo-European belief systems are diametrically opposed. The Indo-European society was warlike, exogamic, patriarchal, patrilineal, and patrilocal, with a strong clanic organization and social hierarchy which gave prominence to the warrior class. Their main gods were male and depicted as warriors. There is no possibility that this pattern of social organization could have developed out of the Old European matrilineal, matricentric, and endogamic balanced society. Therefore, the appearance e of the Indo-Europeans in Europe represent a collision of two ideologies, not an evolution.
The building of temples, a long-lasting tradition of Old Europe, stopped with the Kurgan incursions into Europe, except in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions. The masterfully produced religious paraphernalia--beautiful vases, sacrificial containers, models of temples, altars, sculptures, and sacred script--disappeared as well. Not a single temple directly associated with the Kurgan people is known, either in the north Pontic or Volga steppe nor in the Kurgan influenced zone of Europe during and after the migrations. The absence of any temples or even structured altars is consistent with the life of pastoralists." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 396)

Description of Indo-European Gods and religion. Description of Indo-European character elements. (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. pp. 399-401)

The Serpent for the Indo-Europeans is the..."Symbol of evil, especially lurking in whirlwinds; epiphany of the God of Death and the Underworld, adversary of the Thunder God." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 400)

Fromm and Bachofen define matriarchal vs patriarchal cultures. (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations; Yale Univ. Press, New Haven pp. 207-8)

"The matriarchal principle is that of blood relationships as the fundamental and indestructible tie, of the equality of all men, of the respect for human life and of love. The patriarchal principle is that the ties between man and wife, between ruler and ruled, take precedence over ties of blood. It is the principle of order and authority, of obedience and hierarchy." Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations; Yale Univ. Press, New Haven p. 222)

"It is not yet clear how much weight to put on this observation, but it suggests that the indo-European Hittite language was already spoken in Anatolia at least as early as 1900 BC." Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. p. 56)

"The basic principle of linguistic palaeontology is that if the Indo-Europeans can be shown by linguistic analysis to have had the name of a specific thing within their protolexicon, then they can be assumed to have been acquainted with the thing itself. Thus the best modern survey of historical linguistics, by Winfred Lehmann, can say:3 Proceeding to the everyday life of the Indo-European community we find for 'herd, cow, sheep, goat, pig, dog,horse, wolf, bear, goose, duck, bee, oak, beech, willow, grain'. The lack of specific terms for grains or vegetables indicates a heavy reliance on animals for food. This argument, and really very little else, has led to the notion that the Proto-Indo-Europeans were nomads." (Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. p. 78)

"It is now well-established that a pastoral economy, with emphasis upon domestic animal species, can only arise following the emergence of agriculture." (Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. p. 830 Goes into detail on p. 138.)

<89(137-8)> Renfrew discusses viability of horse use, specifically horse riding by Indo-Europeans as between 2000-3000BC. (Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. pp. 137-8)

<89(193-4)> "But is is clear that there were continuing interactions in Afghanistan and on the Iranian Plateau, and a continuing community of Indo-European languages in that area is not improbable. It would be from this complex that, at a rather later date, the horse-riding nomads responsible for the presence of Indo-European languages in Chinese Turkestan (i.e. the Tocharian languages) would ultimately derive, and the chiefs of the Land of Mitanni in the mid-second millennium would originate from this same complex. (In view of the reported scarcity or non-existence of Indo-European loan-words in the early languages of Mesopotamia, we must assume that until the mid-second millennium BC, these people on the east of the Zagros Mountain range kept themselves to that area.)" (Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. pp. 193-4) See page 194 and 204 for dates and additional info.

Renfrew states that horse drawn war chariots can't be proven to be used until 1600-1800BC, horse riding not until 1200BC. (Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. pp. 198-9)

"Warfare in band and village societies made the practices of infanticide sex-specific. It encouraged the rearing of sons, whose masculinity was glorified in preparation for combat, and the devaluation of daughters, who did not fight. This in turn led to the limitation of female children by neglect, abuse, and outright killing." (Harris, Marvin (1977) Cannibals and Kings. Vintage Books: New York pp. 58-9) (this quote in tribal as opposed to Indo-European context)

"I am not suggesting that war caused female infanticide or that the practice of female infanticide caused war. Rather, I propose that without reproductive pressure neither warfare nor female infanticide would have become widespread and that the conjunction of the two represents a savage but uniquely effective solution to the Malthusian dilemma. Regulation of population growth through the preferential treatment of male infants is a remarkable "triumph'' of culture over nature. A very powerful cultural force was needed to get them to kill or neglect more girls than boys. Warfare supplied this force and motivation because it made the survival of the group contingent on the rearing of combat-ready males. Males were chosen to be taught how to fight because armaments consisted of spears, clubs, bows and arrows, and other hand-held weapons. Hence military success depended upon relative numbers of brawny combatants. For this reason males became socially more valuable than female, and both men and women collaborated in "removing" daughters in order to rear a maximum number of sons." (Harris, Marvin (1977) Cannibals and Kings. Vintage Books: New York pp. 60-61)

"I doubt very much that any human being has ever failed to grasp the elementary truth that to have many men you must start by having many women. The failure of band the village societies to act in conformity with this truth suggests not that warfare was caused by infanticide, or infanticide by warfare, but that both infanticide and warfare, as well as the sexual hierarchy that went with these scourges, were caused by the need to disperse populations and depress their rates of growth." (Harris, Marvin (1977) Cannibals and Kings. Vintage Books: New York p. 64)

"My argument is that all of these sexually asymmetric institutions originated as a by-product of warfare and the male monopoly over military weaponry. Warfare required the organization of communities around a resident core of fathers, brothers, and their sons. This led to the control over resources by paternal-fraternal interest groups and the exchange of sisters and daughters between such groups (patrilineality, patrilocality, and bride-price), to the allotment of women as a reward for male aggressiveness, and hence to polygyny. The assignment of drudge work to women and their ritual subordination and devaluation follows automatically from the need to reward males at the expense of females and to provide supernatural justifications for the whole male supremacist complex." (Harris, Marvin (1977) Cannibals and Kings. Vintage Books: New York pp. 85-86)

Detailed discussion of forces behind matriarchal and patriarchal cultures. (Harris, Marvin (1977) Cannibals and Kings. Vintage Books: New York pp. 87-92)

"Naked license to violate sacred taboos would have risked the destruction of all order as society became threatened with incest, violent conflict and rape. But if men could progressively subvert and usurp women's power through the use of women's own sexual-political symbols, preserving women's blood sanctity even whilst detaching its creativity from women's own bodies, success might have been achieved. Men could turn the symbolic potency of menstruation into a force opposed to women themselves. They could override women's real, physical menstrual solidarity and yet preserve it on an abstract structural level. In short, the whole complex configuration of blood-encoded cultural symbolism could be transferred intact from women's bodies to men's, leaving it as little altered as possible on the level of form." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations: Yale Univ. Press, New Haven p. 452)

"Monogamy when it appeared furnished that motive to the Aryan nations as they drew near to civilization. It assured the paternity of children and the legitimacy of heirs." (Morgan 1877: 391, Ancient Society.)

Description of origin of Indo-European lineage system. (Morgan 1877: 392-3, Ancient Society.)


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