Human evolution theory utilizing concepts of neoteny & female sexual selection
An etiology of neuropsychological disorders such as autism and dyslexia, and the origin of left handedness.

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 Library of Excerpts

Language Part I


This page contains a collection of excerpts from sources used to support Shift Theory, an alternative theory of human evolution. Click here for an introduction to this new and unique theory of evolution.

"It seems to us that language is not dualistically separated from its physical realization; rather, it is deeply rooted ontogenetically and phylogenetically in its bodily basis. Neither is grammar independent of meaning. This view is compatible with cognitive or functional theories of language such as those of Bybee (1985), Deane (1991), Givon (1989), Lakoff (1987), and Langacker (1987; 1991). This alternative approach is certainly not new. Jesperson (1924:17), for example, remarked that: 'The essence of language is human activity - activity on the part of one individual to make himself understood by another, and activity on the part of that other to understand what was in the mind of the first.' Deane (1993) outlines two broad approaches to language. The first stresses discontinuity between core linguistic abilities and other, broader domains: 'Grammar is isolated and examined as an axiomatic formal system' (Deane, 1993: 8). The second view stresses continuity between language and other mental capacities" 'Language is consistently placed in the context of its social and communicative functions. Linguistic structures, processes and categories are viewed as instantiations of the categories, processes and structures which comprise human intelligence.' Deane (1991) argues for this second view of language based on an elaboration of George Lakoff's (1987: 283) Spatialization of Form Hypothesis. According to the Spatialization of Form Hypothesis, grammar is ultimately spatial. Deane suggests that several predictions regarding the relation between grammar and cognition follow from this hypothesis (363-364):
(i) According to the hypothesis, the acquisition of grammatical competence occurs when linguistic information is routed to and processed by spatial centers in the brain.
(ii) Specifically, it is claimed that linguistic expressions are processed as if they were objects with internal structural configurations. That is, they are processed in terms of certain basic image schemas, namely part-whole and linkage schemas critical to the recognition of the configurations which define complex physical objects.
(iii) But as Johnson (1987) argues at length, image schemas are basically embodied schemas, high level schemas which function as cognitive models of the body and its interaction with the environment.
In other words, the Spatialization of Form Hypothesis treats grammar as a form of image-schemaic thought in which words, phrases, and sentences are endowed with an abstract structure grounded in immediate bodily experience of physical objects. It therefore predicts as association between grammar and such cognitive abilities as object recognition, spatial structure, and body awareness, especially modeling bodily movement and position is space." (Armstrong DF, Stokoe WC, Wilcox SE (1995) Gesture and the Nature of Language. Cambridge Univ. Press: Cambridge p. 34-36)

"The Jesperson scenario begins with people devising individual courtship and battle songs, using in them as wide a variety of sounds as their vocal equipment and their inventiveness would allow them. To the members of a familiarity group, each of these personal songs came to be associated with its singer, as a kind of Wagnerian leitmotiv. With the group, one person could refer to another imitating his song. The song, thus, became a proper name -- and what, Jesperson asks, could be more concrete and specific than a proper name? Once this naming relationship got established within a group, it became possible for people to use a proper name to refer to some trait of the owner of that name, or to remind the group of some event in that individual's history. On this base, then, the processes of analogy and simplification did their work." (Filmore CJ (1976) Frame Semantics and the Nature of Language in . Origins and evolution of language and speech. Harnad, S., Steklis, H., & Lancaster, J. (eds.) New York Academy of Sciences: New York pp. 22)

"...complex differences in strategy and style might be the result of rather simple differences in relative timing of component skills. Again, a simple genetic input results in a complex phenotypic result. this is one area in which behavior genetic research (e.g., twin studies, adoption studies) might contribute to our understanding of language development and the acquisition of culture." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 370)

"As mental capacities expanded, and evolving hominids were taking in, processing, interpreting, acting on more and more information gleaned from the natural and social environments, some means of selectively organizing and transmitting such information became necessary. Similarly, as hominids became more and more enchanted and troubled by memories of dream images, a need for symbols to define and order meaning emerged. Such symbols then could be used to communicate not only remembrances of dreams but to share memories of what was seen or done during the day with others after returning to camp." (Tanner N, Zihlman A (1976) Discussion Paper: The Evolution of Human Communication: What can Primates Tell Us? in Origins and evolution of language and speech. Harnad, S., Steklis, H., & Lancaster, J. (eds.) New York Academy of Sciences: New York pp. 475)

"The observation that well-articulated and linguistically accurate words are often produced by otherwise aphasic patients when they are singing has, in the past, seemed paradoxical. There is often a dramatic contrast between the efficient lip-service production of the non-propositional language of well memorized popular songs and the inefficient quality of propositional language which requires encoding of even the most basic thoughts. Many well-intentioned speech and music therapists in the past presumed that the non-propositional language skil required for singing could be useful as an adjunct to language therapy for aphasic patients. Unfortunately, there seems to be no evidence that improvement in communication skill occurs as a result of this form of therapy or any other which puts emphasis on the preserved nonpropositional language skills of many aphasic patients. Needless to say, the morale value of "sing-along" activities is not questioned." (Sparks, R., Helm, N., & Albert, M. (1974) Aphasia rehabilitation resulting from melodic intonation therapy. Cortex 10: pp. 303)

"In Chapter 2 we presented a model for the internal structure of symbols at these early stages, arguing that vocal and gestural symbols are cognitively equivalent in terms of the subjective vehicle-referent relationship. Our findings support that analysis. At this point in development, the only difference between the two domains is in the modality of expression. Indeed, we see no evidence to suggest that a 13-month-old is in any way biased toward the development of vocal language as opposed to gestural language. Evidence concerning the acquisition of American Sign Language as a native language (e.g., Newport and Ashbrook, 1977) suggests that deaf children acquire their manual-visual code just as rapidly as hearing children acquire speech. Furthermore, the semantic relations expressed in ASL develop in the same sequence that has been reported for hearing children. Our findings support the view that the human symbol-using system is extraordinarily plastic, and relatively modality free. This does not mean that we have no special preparations, not available in other species, for processing information in the acoustic-articulatory modality. However, at the early stages the "cognitive" organization underlying symbol use in gesture and in speech appears to be the same. Our children are biased towards the acquisition of "culture." The capacity for language is only one part of that preparation." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 177)

"Proto-Indo-European probably evolved out of the languages spoken by hunter-fisher communities in the Pontic-Caspian region. It is impossible to select which languages and what areas, though a linguistic continuum from the Dnieper east to the Volga would be possible. Settlement would have been confined primarily to the major river valleys and their tributaries, and this may have resulted in considerable linguistic ramification. But the introduction of stockbreeding, and the domestication of the horse, permitted the exploitation of the open steppe. With the subsequent developement of wheeled vehicles in this area, highly mobile communities would have interacted regularly with the more sedentary river valley and forest-steppe communities. During the period to which we notionally assign Proto-Indo-European (4500-2500 BC), most of the Pontic-Caspian served as a vast interaction sphere." (Mallory JP (1989) In Search of the Indo Europeans. Thames and Hudson Ltd. London. p. 264)

"If the present model is in essence correct, and if a creole-like language was the end product of a long period of biological evolution, then the overall capacity to produce languages of this type (itself a composite of neural capacities that preexisted any kind to language and neural capacities that were added as language evolved) must at that point (and for the rest of the life of the species, it should go without saying) have formed a part of the genetic inheritance of every individual member of the species. It would then unfold, as we have claimed, as part of the normal growth development of every child -- in most cases, being quickly overlaid by the local cultural language, but in a few, emerging in something not too different from its original form. It would merely require triggering by SOME form of linguistic activity from others -- how much, and of what kind, remains one of the most interesting questions we can ask about language -- which is why wolf children, who share our biological inheritance, cannot speak, and why the interesting experiments of Psammetichus, James IV, Frederick II, and Akbar the Great all failed."(Bickerton, D (1981) Roots of Language. Karoma Publishers: Ann Arbor. p. 289)

"The child does not, initially, "learn language." As he develops, the genetic program for language which is his hominid inheritance unrolls exactly as does the genetic program that determines his increase in size, muscular control, etc. "Learning" consists of adapting this program, revising it, adjusting it to fit the realities of hte cultural language he happens to encounter. Without such a program, the simplest of cultural languages would presumably be quite unlearnable. But the learning process is not without its tensions -- the child tends to hang on to his innate grammar for as long as possible -- so that the "learning trajectory" of any human child will show traces of the bioprogram, and bioprogram rules and structures may make their way into adult speech whenever the model of the cultural language is weakened." (Bickerton, D (1981) Roots of Language. Karoma Publishers: Ann Arbor. p. 296-7)

"What happens between 9 and 13 months is that the rules of of the language game change, from a rigidly structured and context-bound use to a more flexible use in which the major invariant across contexts is the involvement of a referent object or event." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 178)

"We can make an analogous argument for complex cognitive outcomes. Gould has suggested a "general" change in the growth patterns for cognition, through selection for juvenile neural plasticity in the adult primate. It is possible, however, that some specific cognitive components were advanced ahead of others, until some critical levels were reached permitting the new capacity for symbols to emerge. It is undoubtedly the case that a complex capacity like symbolization requires far more components than the few cadidates we have isolated in our correlational studies. However, to explore the role of heterochrony in the evolution of symbols, let us assume for the moment that only three capacities are involved: 1) the capacity for imitation of poorly understood behaviors (Veh8-Veh0 analysis) 2) the capacity to analyze whole situations into parts, and locate substitutes for missing parts (Vehs - refs analysis) 3) a social motivation to communicate, verbally or nonverbally, through sharing reference to external objects, e.g., pointing, giving, etc. (functional intent) We will abbreviate these capacities to "imitation." "tool use," "communicative intent" -- although the reader should keep in mind that we are talking about the capacities that underlie behaviors rather than the behaviors themselves." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 366)

"For purposes of argument, then, we have assumed a minimodel of language development involving three quantifiable capacities: imitation, tool use, communicative intent. In phylogeny, there is reason to believe that these three capacities predated the emergence of language. That is, they were "preadapted" in the service of different functions. However, once certain critical threshold levels were reached in each of these three domains, it was possible for the same three capacities to join in the service of new function, the symbolic capacity." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 367)

"Not surprisingly, in every area of biology we find the same debate between proponents of "hard" versus "soft" determinism. For example, Gottlieb (1971) has reviewed a debate in embryology between the "predeterminist" view that genetic structure unidirectionally determines both form and function, verus the "probabilistic determinism" view that form and function influence one another bidirectionally. ... We suggest that the symbolic function in humans, like the zigzag dance in stickleback fish, is constructed in individual organisms out of "old parts," cognitive and communicative developments that are only indirectly related to language. Because some fo the components are "preadapted" in the service of nonlinguistic and perhaps noncommunicative functions, their role in language development may not be obvious. However, if one of the old components is disturbed or delayed, the new system may fail to appear. Furthermore, children who advance rapidly in the development of prerequisite components should begin to use symbols earlier than other children." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 24)

"In our view, these recent discoveries strongly support the theory that the human Language Acquisition Device (McNeill, 1966) evolved through a recombination of preexisting capacities into a novel configuation. The argument can be summarized as follows. 1) Language can be viewed as a new machine created out of various cognitive and social components that evolved initially in the service of completely different functions. 2) This construction process probably came about through heterochrony, or changes in the growth patterns of one or more cognitive-social capacities. We can infer that at some point in history, these "old parts" reached a new quantitative level that permitted qualitatively new interactions, including the emergence of symbols. 3) The orchestration of these components into new combinations may have required the intervention of formal causes, task constraints that contribute much of the structure of the eventual linguistic-symbolic outcome. 4) If the evolution of language involved changes in the regulatory genes, and considerable interaction with task constraints, then it is likely that the process is at least partially repeated in the ontogeny of individual language users. 5) At least some forms of languge deficiency may result from a deficit in one or more of the nonlinguistic components that underlie the capacity of symbols." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 31)

"We have spent a lot of time watching infants from 9 to 13 months of age. I suppose that whenever one stares at a phenomenon long enough, it can begin to take on cosmic importance -- the deepest workings of the universe unfolding in an infant's smile. And yet -- all qualifications aside -- as we continue to stare we still believe that this brief period in human ontogeny reflects not one but two critical moments in the dawning of human communication through symbols: (a) the onset of commnicative intentions and conventional signals and (b) the emergence of symbols and the discovery that things have names. (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 33)

"It is also around 13 months that we witness the earliest evidence for nonverbal symbolic activity in play. Here too the recognitory function of symbolic activity is in evidence. Brief and tenuous "pretend" activities begin around this age: The child places a toy telephone receiver against his ear, stirs in a bowl with a spoon, puts a doll's shoe up against a doll's foot. In these schemes, the object is "recognized" by carrying out an activity associated with that object. An activity need not be conventional, arbitrary, and/or imitated for it to serve that identifying function. However, it is easier for us as observers to recognize this kind of play when the child uses as his symbolic vehicle a stereotypic behavior that could only have been derived through observation and imitation of adult activities that are (probably) poorly understood. Many researchers have noted the coincidence between the appearance of this behavior and the first recognizable words (e.g., Inhelder et al. 1971; Nicholich, 1975, Sinclair, 1970), Escalona (1973), among others, has suggested that these gestural procedures should be considered a kind of enactive of motor naming. If we consider the symbolic play gestures to be a form of naming, we can ask whether children use vocal and manual gestures to recognize, identify, or name the same set of objects, events, social games. At the period in which symbols emerge, is there a bias toward the use of one modality for particular functions of meanings? Or is the 13-month-old symbol-using capacity essentially modality free? Part of the answer to this question will depend upon our model for the internal structure of symbols." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 42)

"The first difference is merely terminological: In Peircian terms "signs" comprise the larger class, of which "symbols" are a subclass of signs involving arbitrary and conventional sign-referent relations. For Piaget, the words "symbol" and "symbolic function" refer to the larger class, while "signs" are defined as the subclass of symbol relations that are arbitrary and conventional. In other words, the use of the two terms "sign" and "symbol" is reversed between Piaget and Peirce. " (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 64)

"Nelson (1973), reportng on the first 50 words of 18 subjects, reports two different styles of acquisition. "Referenial" children acquire a high proportion of object names (e.g., ball, shoes, dog), and also seem more concerned with solitary play with objects (Starr, 1974). Expressive children tend to acquire words and idiomatic phrases that carry out particular social interactions (e.g., mommy and daddy, as well as no, yes, want, please, stop it, go away). Starr reports that expressive children seem to spend more time in social interaction than solitary play with objects. The referential-expressive distinction has been criticized on a variety of grounds (see Bowerman, 1976), particularly the weakness of the criteria for dividing social versus referential uses of words. However, Rosenblatt (1975), Starr (1974), and Ramer (1976) have replicated the distinction with other samples of children. Furthermore, there is a study by Dore (1974) which, from a rather different perspective, comes up with quite similar findings. Dore noted in two subjects a very different use of intonation during early language development. One of his subjects -- termed "message oriented" -- had a rich intonation repertoire, patterns that were used to carry out a variety of social functions. The other infant -- termed "code oriented" -- used words primarily to identify and describe objects and events in the environment. The code-oriented child (corresponding to Nelson's referential children) acquired a vocabulary much more rapidly than the message-oriented child and tended to use more nouns than pronouns in his first sentences." (Bates, E. , et al. (1979) On the evolution and development of symbols. Academic Press, New York p. 153)

[abstract] "The relationship between measures (of size or function) on one side of the brain, in relation to the difference between the two sides on that measure, are important components of theories of hemispheric asymmetry. For example, it has been concluded that increasing lateralization (e.g., of hand skill or planum temporale area) occurs at the expense of the non-dominant hemisphere. Here it is demonstrated that such relationships could merely be a necessary consequence of relating components of a laterality index to the index (L - R)/(L + R) itself, or indeed to L - R. An alternative approach (using random data to exemplify the null hypothesis) is presented together with an application to data on hand skill from 12,782 11-year-olds in a cohort study. This demonstrates a symmetry hitherto undocumented of maximal hand skill in left and right hands in left- and right-hand writers respectively, the point of the maximum falling short of the population mean for relative hand skill in either case. If degrees of laterality are what is genetically determined, this suggests that selection is present for a function (perhaps language) associated with a greater magnitude of lateralization than is represented by hand skill." (Leask SJ, Crow TJ (1997)How far does the brain lateralize?: an unbiased method for determining the optimum degree of hemispheric specialization. Neuropsychologia 35(10):1381-7)

"Contrasting the Herculean task of synthesizing (creating) sytax from words spoken alone, the cognitive act of focusing on part of the manual geture to stand for part of the pattern does not seem difficult. A manual-brachial gesture understood as representing a raptor seizing prey could be taken, in proper context, to stand for the raptor, or the prey, or the act of catching. Taking apart the manual gesture by focusing on the active hand in one situation, on the inactive target or object hand in the another, and in still another on the action itself, would have resulted in an explosive multiplication of the the lexicon of gestural words, and because of the syntactic pattern in the gesture, the visible words in it would already be effectively divided into nouns and verbs. This brain-eye-limb activity, as was noted above, could have been equally as effective as speech in providing a selective factor for the rapid increase in human brain size and complexity in the last two million years. The social advantages such communication afforded would have contributed greately to fitness of the population." (Armstrong DF, Stokoe WC, Wilcox SE (1995) Gesture and the Nature of Language. Cambridge Univ. Press: Cambridge pp. 185-186

"The foregoing chapters have surveyed the three major areas of language development: development in the individual, development of new languages, and original development of language. Parsimony alone would suggest that these developmental processes might have much in common with one another, and the common pattern that emerges has an independent support that no other linguistic theory that I know of could claim: it is in accord with all we have so far learned about evolutionary processes and it is in accord with all we have so far learned about how processes in the brain determine the behavior of animate creatures." (Bickerton, D (1981) Roots of Language. Karoma Publishers: Ann Arbor. p.194)

"As early as the first day of life, the numan neonate moves in precise and sustained segments of movement that are synchronous with the articulated structure of adult speech. These observations suggest a view of development of the infant as a participant at the outset in multiple forms of interactional organization, rather than as an isolate. ... In contrast, microanalysis of pathological behavior -- for instance, that of subjects with aphaic, autistic, and schizophrenic conditions -- reveals marked self-asychronies. Delayed auditory feedback also markedly disturbs this self-sychrony. ... For example, as the adult emits the KK of "come," which lasts for 0.07 second, the infant's head moves right very slightly (Rvs), the left elbow extends slightly (Es), the right shoulder retates outward slightly (ROs) the right hip rotates outward fast (ROf), the left hip extends slightly (Es), and the big toe of the left foot aducts (AD). These body parts sustain these directions and speeds of movement together for this 0.07-second interval. This forms a "unit" composed of the sustained relation of these movements of the body. ... This 2-day-old infant displayed segments of movement synchronous with the adult's speech during the entire 89-word sequence. In other words, this is a sustained and precise occurrence. Another 2-day-old infant sustained similarly synchronous movement throughout a series of 125 words of tape-recorded female speech. ... This study reveals a complex interaction system in which the organization of the neonate's motor behavior in entrained by and synchronized with the organized speech behavior of adults in his environment. If the infant, from the beginning, moves in precise, shared rhythm with the organization of the speech structure of his culture, then he participates developmentally through complex, sociobiological entrainment processes in millions of repetitions of linguistic forms long before he later uses them in speaking and communicating. By the time he begins to speak, he may have already laid down within himself the form and structure of the language system of his culture. This would encompass as multiplicity of interlocking aspects: rhythmic and syntactic "hierarchies," suprasegmental features, and paralinguistic nuances, not to mention body motion styles and rhythms. This may provide an empirical basis for a new approach to language acquisition." (Condon, W.S. & Sander, L.W. (1974) Neonate movement is synchronized with adult speech: interactional participation and language acquisition. Science 183: pp. 99-101)

"It is important to notice that the rs + gene does ot cause speech but merely aids the development of speech in most people." (Annett, M., Eglinton, E., Smythe, P. (1996) Types of dyslexia and the shift to dextrality. J Child Psychology and Psychiatry 37 (2): 168)

"Polynesians seem to value stoutness and large size in females. Males should be handsome, which seems to mean a healthy body. Both sexes should have light skin (Danielsson 1956: 69-73)" (Smith, James M. (1976) Sexual selection in recent human populations. California Anthropologist 6 (1): pp. 21)

"Pidgins in several different parts of the world rapidly gave rise to new and completely adequate languages known as creoles. In Hawaii this happened in one generation, meaning in effect that children as they grew up had to adopt a whole series of grammatical rules that their parents could not have taught them and which, therefore, the children themselves must have in some sense "invented." What is most remarkable is that the grammar of Hawaiian creole turns out to be almost identical to the grammars of all other creoles that have emerged from pidgins in one generation, regardless of the combination of native languages represented in each case. For example, they all have a basic word order in which subject comes first, verb next, and object last, and they also hae definite rules for changing this order to focus on one particular constituent of a sentence, as in Hawaiian creole...." (Harris, Marvin (1989) Our Kind. Harper Perennial: New York p. 68)

"For gatherers, the situation was different. Those women with the largest repertoire of communicable images of foods and their sources and secrets of perparation were unquestionably placed in a position of advantage. Language may well have arisen as a mysterious power possessed largely by women -- women who spent much more of their waking time together -- and, usually, talking -- than did men, women who in all societies are seen as group-minded, in contrast to the lone male image, which is the romanticized version of the alpha male of the primate group." (McKenna, T (1992) Food of the Gods. Bantom Books: New York p. 55)

"Or should be perhaps compare the whale's brain to the peacock's tail, a scintilating mental display organ for the purpose of attracting a mate and enhancing the pleasures of courtship: the whale who provides the most stimulating entertainment having the best choice of mates?" (Lovelock, J (1979) Gaia, A New Look at Life on Earth. Oxford Univ. Press: Oxford. p. 141"

[Trobriand Islanders] "Events and objects are self-contained points in another respect; there is a series of beings, but no becoming. There is no temporal connection between objects. The taytu always remains itself; it does not become over-ripe; over-ripeness is an ingredient of another, a differrent being. At some point, the taytu turns into a yowana, which contains over-ripeness, and the yowana, over-ripe as it is, does not put forth shoots, does not become a sprouting yowana. When sprouts appear, it ceases to be itself; in its place appears a silasata. Neither is there a temporal connection made--ir, according to our own premises, perceived--between events; in fact, temporality is meaningless. There is no tenses, no linguistic distinction between past of present. There is no arrangement of activities or events into means and ends, no causal or teleologic relationships. What we consider a casual relationship in a sequence of connected events, is to the Trobriander an ingrediant of a patterned whole. He names this ingredient u'ula. (Lee, D (1968) “Codifications of reality: Lineal and non-lineal,” in Every man in his way. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs pp. 334)

“This primary or social interaction seems to derive directly from an older system and, like all animal systems of communication, is restricted to “betweem you and me, here and now.” The secondary communication interaction, speech, is subjects to no such limitations in space and time. ... Though sign languages are onomatopoetic, the signs represent quite arbitrary features of any referent; each Australian sign language, for example, uses quite different signs for familiar animals. Aborigines find signing faster than speaking and more effective at distances, and some groups consider it more elegant than speech. A deaf Aboriginal grows up with access to every aspect of his culture, and joins freely in any conversation. The human facility for mime and its appreciation and our ready grasp of the symbolism in dance, myth, dreams, and art require some explanation. A similar talent is seen in the emergence of natural sign language in every institution for the care of deaf children. These talents would be explicable if speech had evolved through long periods of mime and signing. Natural sign languages are found among the Plains Indians, among all Australian Aborigines, in India, and in many regions around the Mediterranean. They seem to have been studied seriously by only one man, La Mont West, whose conclusions have never been published. He is known to have believed that all of the sign languages had the same syntactic form. If this is so, then it becomes a reasonable evolutionary hypothesis that the deep structure of modern languages is closely related to that of natural sign languages. Perhaps this hypothesis could provide a test of speculations on the evolution of human language.” (McBride, G (1973) Comments on ... Primate communication and the gestural origins of language. Current Anthropology 14: 15)


“Experts disagree as to whether or not this chimpanzee “babbling” should be considered homologous with human babbling (Gardner, Hayes, Kellogg, Lemmon, personal communications; Hayes 1952), but this makes no difference to my argument. According to Hayes (1952), chimpanzee babbling fades away when the baby starts to crawl. Since leopards do hunt and kill chimp babies and youngsters, at least occasionally (Ursula Rahm, personal communication), it seems plausible that selection pressure has produced a special inhibition of babbling in chimp babies at the age when they start crawling around. Under such conditions, of course, speech could never evolve. With man, the situation is quite different. Humans everywhere show an almost fanatic tendency to exterminate all the large beasts of prey in their environment. Thus we may assume that ever since the development of the spear (i.e. since the Mindel-Riss Interglacial, at least) human children have grown up in relative safely from predators. Domesticated animal species show a marked evolutionary trend toward increased frequency of vocalizations. We may be pretty sure, therefore, that the tendency to babble, prattle, and talk that is so predominant of human children can have evolved only after the achievement of sophisticated hunting technologies and strategies, i.e. after the evolution of a fairly eleborate gestural language (see also Kortlandt 1968).” (Kortlandt A (1973) Comments on ... Primate communication and the gestural origins of language. Current Anthropology 14: 13-14)

“The notion that man’s first language was primarily gestural, carried on with hand and arm signals rather than vocal sounds, has been supported by a distinguished line of scholars: Condillar (1746), Tylor (1868, 1871), Morgan (1877:35n), Wallace (1881, 1895), Romanes (1988), Wundt (1912), Paget (1944, 1963), and Johannesson (1949, 1950). The gestural theory seems to be the most attractive of the many glottogonic hypotheses advanced so far, and receives support from recent studies of chimpanzees and other primates, such as Gardner and Gardner (1969, 1971), Premack (1970a,b, 1971), and Menzel (1971), as well as from other sources. The fact that this evidence was unavailable to earlier proponents of the gestural theory explains some of the weaknesses in its former formulations.” (Hewes GW (1973) Primate communication and the gestural origins of language. Current Anthropology 14: 5)

“Aside from some work on standardized sign languages, such as those of the Plains Indians of North America or the Aborigines of Australia, not a single reference to studies of gestural communication across language boundaries was encountered by me in the compilation of over 5,000 titles dealing with language origins, gesture language, and related topics (cf. Hewes 1971a). There has been some study of gesture within particular ethnic or cultural groups.” ... It may be that the ability is not only an older innate character of man, but one which is shared, in rudimentary form at least, with the Pongidae. Manual communication may thus come closer to representing the deep cognitive structure on which not only language but all of our intellectual and technological achievements rest. ... The earlier scripts are mostly sets of little pictures of tools, animals, plants, etc., but it is worth noting that in at least two of them, Egyptian hieroglyphs and Chinese writing in its most ancient form, there are numerous representations of hand and arm gestures, often holding or wielding tools or weapons (cf. Wieger 1964 for Chinese examples).” (Hewes GW (1973) Primate communication and the gestural origins of language. Current Anthropology 14: 11)

“The Gardners and Fouts noted that Washoe learned signs which involved touching parts of her own body faster than signs traced in the air, possibly because of the tactile reinforcement from the skin touched. ... The peculiarly human association of right-handedness and left-hemisphere dominance for both language skills and precise manual manipulations could well be the outcome of a long selective pressure for the clear separation of the precision grip from the power grip, combined with manual-gesture language exhibiting a similar (and related) asymmetry. ... The manual-gesture language model for glottogenesis has the virtue of following the line of least biological resistence, in that it demands no changes -- at least for a very long period -- in neural of buccolaryngeal anatomy or function, other than in the direction of greater precision of control. Other glottogonic theories are vulnerable on this point, since the movement from a language-less hominid to a speaking one is much more difficult to understand than the movement from a gesture language, with cerebral lateralization already in being, to a vocal transformation. Jakobson (1964, 1967) has observed that noises, apart from speech sounds, still have a low communicative value, a fact first clearly realized in the era of radio drama with sound effects. .... Fortunately, we may turn to the mouth-gesture hypothesis, first elaborated by Paget (1963 and many previous publications) and Johannesson (1950, also with numerous earlier publications) and first suggested by Wallace (1881, 1895), for a way in which vocal sounds could have come to be systematically linked with elements of a manual-gesture language. These authors believed that lips, mouth, and tongue roughly “imitate” hand and sometimes other body-part movements, particularly when the latter are engaged in communicative or manipulative activity. This notion is unlike the “bow-wow” or onomatopoeic theory in that the sounds produced by mouth gesture and accompanying vocalization do not bear any acoustic resemblance to the manual signs or their external referents (if acoustic similarity were even possible). With the interjectional of “yo-he-ho” theory it shares only the idea that vocalization may accompany strong emotion or physical exertion. Because of their articulate character, sounds produced in mouth gesture would not closely resemble normal primate calls. Some could be clicks, which are audible without outflow of air from the lungs, and which some linguists claim are archaic (Stopa 1968).” (Hewes GW (1973) Primate communication and the gestural origins of language. Current Anthropology 14: 9-10)


“Krantz’s paper does, however, contain the germ of a much more general and useful idea, namely that there may have been a definite stage in individual brain development, correlated no doubt with brain size, but not necessarily at all closely, at which symbolic thought and speech became possible, and that this stage has receded, in the course of evolution, from the age of puberty or even later to some 13 years before puberty. ... There is, however, one feature of Krantz’z more mechanistic approach that may have a highly significant psychological correlate. If indeed the age of onset of speech in the individual has receded, pari passu with his brain size and development, from near the age of puberty to that on infancy, this might be related to the almost simultaneous onset in the modern human infant of symbolic speech and thought, on the one hand, and the symbolic rehearsal of sexual development, on the other.” (Mourant AE (1973) The evolution of brain size, speech, and psychosexual development. Current Anthropology 14: 30)

“Although it is often stated that man is the only primate that can talk, it is rarely noted that he is also the only one that can sing. Since singing is a simpler system than speech, with only pitch as a distinguishing feature, I suggest that he could sing long before he could talk and that singing was in fact a prerequisite to speech and hence language. Marler (1970a) has used the terms call and song to distinguish innate and learned signals in birds, and while the alarm or danger signal is usually a call, the territorial or mating signal is most frequently a song and is also more often uttered with non environmental stimulus. The learned nature of the territorial/mating song had resulted in more rapid evolution and in the evolution of bird dialects, which can be isolating mechanisms (Nottebohm 1970). Birds can also recognize individuals by vocal signals, and Thorpe (1968) has stated that some nesting birds can recognize their own family in a group of 2,000; this seems to imply an open semantic system. Haldane (1955) suggested that naming of persons and objects was the function of human vocalization that led to the development of language and symboling. Thus, it would seem that songs as group or personal names may have been the function of human vocalization that resulted in the opening of the call system. ... Much of primate vocalization occurs during territorial displays or encounters, and Rowell and Hinde (1962) do suggest that there may be rhesus dialects that are learned.” (Livingstone, FB (1973) Did the australopithecines sing? Current Anthropology 14: 25)

“Adaptation to this learned, open signal system of territorial songs preadapted the hominids to both speech and symboling. ... However, terrestrial primates that inhabit the savanna do seem to communicate more by gesture than their jungle counterparts (Altmann 1967), so early man probably had many gestures.” (Livingstone, FB (1973) Did the australopithecines sing? Current Anthropology 14: 26)

“My original “mechanistic approach” to brain size and language should be somewhat modified. I had earlier assumed that symbolic thoughts and their vocal expression could be equated. Now it appears that the two phenomena are separable to some degree, in that phonetic speech may be a late development, whereas in ealier times symbols were communicated, but less efficiently.” (Krantz, G. S. (1973) Comments (on The evolution of brain size, speech, and psychosexual development by A.E. Mourant) Current Anthropology 14 (1-2): 31)

"Experience soon showed that when sentences were adapted to already linguistically loaded melodies the patient would revert to the lyrics closely associated with the song. This prompted the development of a method which avoids any distinct melody even reminescent of a popular song or jingle. The resulting method, now referred to as Melodic Intonation Therapy, has a limited range of pitch variation. Each sentence-item is "composed" so that the inflection pattern, rhythm, and stress are similar to the speech prosody of that sentence." (Sparks, R., Helm, N., & Albert, M. (1974) Aphasia rehabilitation resulting from melodic intonation therapy. Cortex 10: pp. 304)


"Studies indicated that musicians differ from nonmusicians in functional hemispheric lateralization (Gordon, 1983; Hassler & Birbaumer, 1988; Witelson, 1980) in that musicians are less left-lateralized than nonmusicians for language functions." (Hassler & Birbaumer, 1988) at each stage of the study." (Hassler, M & Nieschlag, E. (1991) Salivary testosterone and creative musical behavior in adolescent males and females. Developmental Neuropsychology 7: 518)

"Crucial information on the gentic mechanism is provided by the phenomena of the sex chromosome aneuploidies (see Section 7 above). Lack of an X chromosome (as in Turner's syndrome) is associated with deficits of temporal sequencing (Money, 1993). These syndromes thus define the boundaries of languge function and identify its critical functional components -- a temporal sequence inthe dominant hemisphere into which is integrated the spatially distributed information from the non-dominant hemisphere." (Crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays fo r language? crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays for language? p. 136)

"As a result of this genetic change, some neural process, on which the evolution of language was dependent, become confined to one hemisphere. This component, it is suggested, is the linear output (phonological) sequence. Because it is a temporal sequence, it is one-dimensional, but each component has associations (through the cerebral commissures) in the non-dominant hemisphere that are not so constrained, but are two-dimensional and spatial. This 'bi-hemispheric' theory of language can account for the contrasting 'syntagmatic' and 'paradigmatic' aspects of language to which de Saussure drew attention, i.e. to its generativity." (Crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays fo r language? crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays fo r language? p. 139)

"Armstrong et al. (1995) suggest that this fact shifts the focus from the fine temporal organization of the acoustic modality to the spatial and action-orientated nature of language. Sentence structure, they suggest, can be understood as gestures relating to the body and to external space. Other authors (e. g. Jackendorff, 1996; Bierwisch, 1996; Johnson-Laird, 1996) have considered how some semantic and morphologic relations can be understood in terms of spatial constructs. The question arises whether spatial organisation is in some sense fundamental to syntax. This has at times been suggested--see, for example, Anderson (1971), Lyons (1977, pp. 718-724), Lyons (1995, ch. 10), Jackendorff and Landau (1992) and Deane (1993). The specific hypothesis being developed here is that there are both temporal and spatial aspects to languge, that the two are segregated (in the two hemispheres), and that the interaction between them is central to the mode of operation of the human brain." (Crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays fo r language? crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays for language? p. 134)

"A few decade ago Otto Jespersen, the Danish philologist, even speculated that early human courting sounds stimulated the evolution of language. "Language," he said, "was born in the courting days of mankind; the first utterances of speech I fancy to myself like something between the nightly love-lyrics of puss upon the tiles and the melodious love-songs of the nightingale."25 This sounds farfetched. There were probably several reasons why early men and women needed advanced communication. But love songs, like national anthems, can certainly "stir the blood." (Fisher, H. (1992) Anatomy of Love: The Mysteries of Mating, Marriage, and Why We Stray. Simon & Schuster, New York, 1992. pp. 36)

“For example, the articulators of speech (the tongue, lips, jaw) can move quite rapidly, producing easily perceived distinctions on the order of every 50-200 milliseconds. In contrast, the major articulators for sign (the hands) move relatively slowly such that the duration of an isolated sign is about 1,000 milliseconds; the duration of an average spoken word is more like 500 milliseconds. If language processing in real time has equal timing constraints for spoken and signed languages, then there is a strong pressure for signed languages to express more distinctions simulatneously. The articulatory pressures seem to work in concert with the differing capacities of the visual and auditory systems expressing simultaneous versus sequential information. This is, the visual system is sell suited for simultaneously perceiving a large amount of information, whereas the auditory system seems particularly adept at perceiving fast temporal distinctions. Thus both sign and speech have exploited the advantages of their respective modalities.” (The confluence of space and language in signed languages. (1996) Emmorey K. in Language and Space by Bloom P, Peterson MA, Nadel L, Garrett MF (eds.) pp. 173)

“Although my interests lie in the character of the preverbal conceptual system rather than of language itself, the preverbal system forms the foundation on which language rests, and it constrains what is learnable. I shall argue that preverbal conceptual representation is largely spatial in nature and that the relationship between space and language is therefore far-reaching and pervasive. It is not just that spatial terms tell us something about spatial meanings, or that spatial meanings place constraints on spatial terms. It is that many of the most basic meanings that language expresses--both semantic and syntactic--are based on spatial representations. Such a point of view will hardly be news to cognitive linguists such as Ronald Langacker or Leonard Talmy. What I hope to contribute are a few suggestions as to why language should be so structured. I will suggest that language is structured in spatially relevant ways because the meaning system of the preverbal language learner is spatially structured.” (Preverbal Prepresentation and Language (1996) Bierwisch, M. in Language and Space by Bloom P, Peterson MA, Nadel L, Garrett MF (eds.) pp. 365)

[citations removed] “With the explosion over the last decade of research on infant perception, the evidence for prelinguistic spatial concepts has become steadily more impressive. Challenging Piaget’s emphasis on the cirital role of action in the construction of spatial concepts, studies show that even very young infants are sensitive to many spatial and other physical properties of their environment. For example, habituation studies of infant perception have established that within the first few days or months of life, infants can distinguish between scenes and categorize them on the basis of spatial information such as above-below....and different orientations of an object. Studies using the related technique of time spent looking at possible versus impossible events show that by a few months of age infants also recognizes that objects continue to exist must follow a continuous trajectory and cannot pass through one another, and that objects deposited in midair will fall.” (Learning how to structure space for language: a crosslinguistic perspective (1996) Bowerman, M. in Language and Space by Bloom P, Peterson MA, Nadel L, Garrett MF (eds.) pp. 388)

"The hypothesis is proposed that these problems are related both to each other and to the speciation event that gave rise to modern Homo sapiens 137,000 or more years ago. A genetic change allowed the two hemispheres to develop with a degree of independence: the capacity for language (with a dominant focus in one hemisphere) evolved as a result of selection acting upon a dimension of variation generated by a single polymorphism plus a random component. Psychosis is the element of the variation associated with failure to establish dominance for language in one or other hemisphere (hemisphere indecision')" (Crow TJ (1996) Language and psychosis: common evolutionary origins. [received from author without publisher name on document] p. 105-109)


"Vervet monkeys have a system that communicates 'eagle', 'leopard' or 'snake' to other vervet monkeys, but the signs that they use are fixed (Cheney and Seyfarth, 1990). (Crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays fo r language? crow TJ, (1997) Is schizophrenia the price that Homo sapiens pays fo r language? p. 131)

"Lieberman (1984) argued that even the Neanderthals, who lived as recently as 35,000 years ago, would have been incapable of modern speech, on the grounds that they retained a vocal tract that simply could not have produced the requisite range of sounds. It is not unlikely that they communicated vocally but without the speed and flexibility that characterize our speech. Lieberman also noted, however, that fossil skulls of H. sapiens sapiens found at Broken Hill in Zambia, and dating from about 150,000 years B.P., do appear to have possessed the angled vocal tract necessary for modern speech." (Corballis, M.C. (1989) Laterality and human evolution. Psychological Review 96 (3): pp. 498)

"Thus one day T. used "daddy" to refer to any men who were fifteen to twenty yards away and who were walking (as distinct from those who were motionless) and only later included all men like his father in this class. Moreover, "mommy" and "daddy" may be used to emphasise some action done in an unusual way by the parents. It is clear that these words, for from denoting merely singular classes and being proper names, as the statistics of Mrs. Buhler (Kindheit u. Jugend, pp. 149-150) suggest, really represent complex schemas of actions, either related to the subject or partly objective." (Piaget, J. (1962) Play, Dreams, and Imitation in Childhood: Norton, New York p. 219)

"Considerable discussion has centered on the question of whether a gestural language of a vocal language evolved first. The proponents of a gestural language note that considerable nonvocal communication occurs among apes (Hewes, 1973a, b), and experiments indicate that chimpanzees can be taught elements of human sign languge (Gardner and Garder, 1972) but not to speak (Hayes, 1951; Hayes and Nissan, 1971). On the other side, Washburn and Strum (1972) and Washburn (1973) have pointed out that the essential character of human vocally based language is that it is a system whereby, through the recombination of a limited number to arbitrary elements (phonemes), it is possible to produce vocal signs for a potentially endelss variety of meanings." (Tanner, Nancy M. (1981) On Becoming Human: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge p. 127)

"A more likely alternative is that females did more and more direct initiation of sexual activity --- by overtly soliciting intercourse and by nonverbally signaling receptivity (Figure 7:8). Morphological changes were replaced with other forms of communication where females through degree of physical spacing and type of gesture, facial expression, eye contact, posture, vocalization, and other nonverbal behavior signaled to males that they were willing --- or unwilling --- to engage in sexual intercourse. The loss of estrus then can mean that a female can initiate sex with males at any time. But it can also mean that she may choose not to mate, even when her hormones are such that she could become pregnant." (Tanner, Nancy M. (1981) On Becoming Human: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge p. 154)

"Social and physical context also affect food from another chimpanzee, in which case it has been referred to as "begging." Alternatively, it may evoke a tactile social response that we would describe as "conforting"; in the latter instance the outstretched hand has been described as indicating a request fo "reassurance" (Goodall, 1972). Among the transitional population it is reasonable to suppose that a wide repetoire of nonverbal communicatory elements, including context, was used; selection would be for a communication system in which a more complex brain made it possible for various in-context combinations of body movements plus some vocal components to convey more complicated social and environmental information than could the ancestral population. It is therefore possible that some of the requisite mental abilities for the later development of speech as we know it were already evolving at the time of the transitional hominids." (Tanner, Nancy M. (1981) On Becoming Human: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge p. 156)

"The use of quite complex nonverbal communication "about something" in highly social settings has been illustrated by laboratory observations of sexual interaction among three pygmy chimpanzees (Savage-Rumbaugh et al., 1977). Eye contact and facial expression are used to indicate interest in sexual engagement. Further, many body movements and gestures precede copulation. Pygmy chimpanzees use a wide variety of positions for copulation, and some mutual agreement as to position must be reached if they are to actually engage in sex. Many of their movements and nearly all the gestures observed by these pygmy chimpanzees prior to intercourse seem to concern copulatory position (Figure 6:5). Especially interesting is the fact that the movements and gestures used in these sociosexual contexts range from very explicit ones, such as one animal trying to turn the other around or the other actually moving to her preferred position, to purely iconic gestures in which a desired or agreed on position is simply indicated gesturally. Here then, in these sociosexual contexts, an integration of a variety of communicatory modes is exhibited --- eye contact, facial expression, body movement and position, and hand gestures. Included are gestures that are iconic, and that can perhaps be considered "presymbolic" forms of communication. These observations of pygmy chimpanzees; sociosexual communication provide a particularly clear-cut example of the sort of integrated communicatory capacities that, if they existed in the ancestral population, would have provided a firm foundation for the evolution of the human communicatory system." (Tanner, Nancy M. (1981) On Becoming Human: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge p. 122)

"Of all social categories, mature female chimpanzees receive and give the most greetings (Goodall, 1968b). This expresses their obvious sociability and, quite likely, is also a reflection of the substantial part they play in chimpanzee social life." (Tanner, Nancy M. (1981) On Becoming Human: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge p. 88)

In Khoekhoe, African language, the words for snake and fountain, or that which flows, are the same except for gender. (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations; Yale Univ. Press, New Haven p. 485)

"The problem of language today is thus seen less as involving simple physical questions than as raising more crucial issues of symboling ability. It is argued that language is not only a means of communication, but a device which allows the handling by the individual of symbolic concepts and as such it is indispensible to structured thought. If this viewpoint be followed, it is at least arguable that the development of the relevant abilities of reasoning, of conceptualizing, would be reflected in human behavior patterns. It is of course possible to study these through the material remains. Such is the perspective now widely accepted. Quite naturally it places much emphasis upon the symbolic aspects of material culture, and not least upon such early depictions as are seen in upper palaeolithic cave art; both the paintings and the small portable objects.
Many contemporary writers would be inclined to equate the development of language-as-we-know-it with the emergence of fully modern man in the physical sense, that is to say of Homo sapiens sapiens some 40,000 years ago." (Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. p.274)

"We could expect a process of differentiation of different 'languages', in the modern sense, to be underway from around 40,000 years ago in all areas with a human population." Renfrew, Colin (1974) The Explanation of Culture Change: Models of Prehistory. Univ. of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh. p. 275)

"The most fascinating property of language is its capacity to make mataphors. But what an understatement! For metaphor is not a mere extra trick of language, as it is so often slighted in the old schoolbooks on composition; it is the very constituitive ground of language." (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 48)

"The grand and vigorous function of metaphor is the generation of new language as it is needed, as human culture becomes more and more complex." (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 49)

[Jaynes describes process of new language creation by abbreviating descriptive words until the abbreviations become symbols for what is described.] (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston pp. 49-51)

"Understanding a thing is to arrive at a metaphor for that thing by substituting something more familiar to us. And the feeling of familiarity is the feeling of understanding." (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 52)

"The problem drifts off into even more mystery when we remember that the neurological structure necessary for language exists in right hemisphere as well as the left. In a child, a major lesion of Wernicke's area on the left hemisphere, or of the underlying thalamus which connects it to the brainstem, produces transfer of the whole speech mechanism to the right hemisphere. A very few ambidextrous people actually do have speech on both hemispheres. Thus the usually speechless right hemisphere can under certain conditions become a language hemisphere, just like the left." (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston pp. 102-3)

"Moreover, the right hemisphere is these patients can respond emotionally without the left talking hemisphere knowing what it is all about. If among a series of neutral geometric figures being flashed to the right and left visual fields at random, which means respectively into the left and right hemispheres, and then a picture of a nude girl by surprise is flashed on the left side going into the right hemisphere, the patient (really the patient's left hemisphere) says that it saw nothing or just a flash of light. But the grinning, blushing, and giggling during the next minute contradicts what the speech hemisphere has just said. Asked what all the grinning is about, the left or speech hemisphere replies that it has no idea. These facial expressions and blushings, incidentally, are not confined to one side of the face, being mediated through the deep interconnections of the brainstem. The expression of affect is not a cortical matter."(Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 115)

"Because language must make dramatic changes in man's attention to things and persons, because it allows a transfer of information of enormous scope, it must have developed over a period that shows archaeologically that such changes occurred. Such a one is the late Pleistocene, roughly from 70,000 B.C. to 8000 B. C." (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 130)

"Previously in the evolution of primates, it was only postural or visual signals such as threat postures which were intentional. Their evolution into auditory signals was made necessary by the migration of man into northern climates, where there was less light both in the environment and in the dark caves where man made his abode, and where visual signals could not be seen as readily as the bright African savannahs. This evolution may have begun as early as the Third Glaciation Period or possibly even before. But it is only as we are approaching the increasing cold and darkness of the Fourth Glaciation in northern climates that the presence of such vocal intentional signals gave a pronounced selective advantage to those who possessed them." ... "The central assertion of this view, I repeat, is that each new stage of words literally created new perceptions and attentions, and such new perceptions and attentions resulted in important cultural changes which are reflected in the archaeological record." (Jaynes., Julian (1976) Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 131)


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