Human evolution theory utilizing concepts of neoteny & female sexual selection
An etiology of neuropsychological disorders such as autism and dyslexia, and the origin of left handedness.

twitter / andrewL9

 Library of Excerpts

Female Centered Proto-Culture and Promiscuous Social Structures - Matrilineal Studies: Part 2

"My archeological research does not confirm the hypothetical existence of the primordial parents and their division into the Great Father and Great Mother figures or the further division of the Great Mother figure into a Good and a Terrible Mother. There is no trace of a father figure in any of the Paleolithic periods. The life-creating power seems to have been of the Great Goddess alone. A complete division into a "good" and a "terrible" Mother never occurred: the Life Giver and the Death Wielder are one deity." (Gimbutas, Marija (1989) The Languages of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 316)

"It is thus seen that each male in the selection of a wife, is limited to one-fourth part of all the Kamilaroi females. This, however, is not the remarkable part of the system. Theoretically every Kapota is the wife of every Ippai; every Mata is the wife of every Kumbo; every Buta is the wife of every Murri; and every Ippata of every Kubbi. Upon this material point the information is specific. Mr. Fison, before mentioned, after observing that Mr. Lance had "had much intercourse with the natives, having lived among them many years on frontier cattle-stations on the Darling River, and in the trans-Darling country," quotes form his letter as follows: "If a Kubbi meets a stranger Ippata, they address each other as Goleer = Spouse...A Kubbi thus meeting an Ippata, even though she were of another tribe, would treat her as his wife, and his right to doso would be recognized by her tribe." Every Ippata within the immediate circle of his acquaintance would consequently be his wife as well. Here we find, in a direct and definite form, punaluan marriage in a group of unusual extent; but broken up into lesser groups, each a miniature representation of the whole, united for habitation and subsistence. Under the conjugal system thus brought to light, one-quarter of all males are united in marriage with one-quarter of all females of the Kamilaroi tribes. This picture of savage life need not revolt the mind, because to them it was a form of the marriage relation, and therefore devoid of impropriety. It is but an extended form of polygyny and polyandry, which, within narrower limits, have prevailed universally among savage tribes. The evidence of the fact still exists, in unmistakable form, in their systems of consanguinity and affinity, which have outlived the customs and usages in which they originated. It will be noticed that this scheme of intermarriage is but a step form promiscuity, because it is tantamount to that with the addition of a method. Still, as it is made a subject of organic regulation, it is far removed from general promiscuity. Moreover, it reveals an existing state of marriage and of the family of which no adequate conception could have been formed apart from the facts. It affords the first direct evidence of a state of society which had previously been deduced, as extremely probable, from systems of consanguinity and affinity." (Morgan 1877: 54-5, Ancient Society.)

"The process of paedomorphosis has been closely involved with the evolution of human culture. The bipedalism which was partly responsible for the initiation of the whole of higher primate evolution and which followed an extension form the ecological niche in the trees to open plains did not itself owe anything that we can discern directly to paedomorphosis. Nevertheless, the modification of skull structure, and particularly the central position of the foramen magnum, was essential if the utmost advantage was to result from bipedalism, since this allowed the head to be easily balanced in the upright position. This modification may well have been the first set of circumstances which produced increasing pressure towards paedomorphosis." (Crombie, Donald L. (1971) The group system of man and paedomorphosis. Current Anthropology 12(2): pp. 164)

"But the mystery of the woman is no less a mystery than death. Childbirth is no less a mystery; nor the flow of the mother's milk; nor the menstrual cycle---in its accord with the moon. The creative magic of the female body is a thing of wonder in itself. And so it is that, whereas the men in their rites (as initiates, tribal dignitaries, shamans, or what not) are invariably invested with magical costumes, the most potent magic of the womanly body inheres in itself. In all her primary epiphanies, therefore, whether in the paleolithic figurines or in the neolithic, she is typically the naked goddess, with an iconographic accent on the symbolism of her own magical form." Campbell goes on to say that in the Great Hunt women's sacred elements are subsumed to the male achievements, "achievement of eternal life, magical power, the kingdom of God on earth, illumination, wealth, a good-natured woman..." (Campbell, Joseph (1959) The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. Penquin Books: New York pp. 388-9)

"It seems quite clear that early hominids potentially ancestral to the genus Homo were considerably smaller than we are (Jungers, 1988), and thus we no longer accept scenarios, such as that proposed long ago by Weidenreich (1946), of descent from giants. On the other hand, recent fossil discoveries (Johanson et al., 1987; Leakey and Walker, 1985) also clearly reject any claims for a progressive and linear increase in body size within Homo over the past 2 million years or so. If future discoveries suggest that fully modern humans exhibit decreased stature and weight compared to either Homo erectus or early H. sapiens, then we might expect some paedomorphic or juvenilized features such as gracilization, smaller joint surfaces, etc., in modern humans. But such changes in shape would represent paedomorphosis via hypomorphosis (i.e., simple allometric correlates) and emphatically not paedomorphosis presented as evidence of neoteny by Privratsky (1981) fall into this category of misinterpretation." (Shea, B.T. (1989) Heterochrony in human evolution: the case for neoteny reconsidered. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 80)

" ' Given the evidence of brain evolution and the archaeological evidence of technological evolution, I think it fair to eliminate from consideration the simple scenario in which ability to make better and better tools selected for human intelligence. At almost no point in hominid evolution was there even a provocative correlation. The earliest known hominids, Australopithecus afarensis, had a brain larger than an ape's of equivalent size, but as far as we know, no greater reliance on tools. Early Homo at 2 mya had a much more 'encephalized' brain, but the tools and even the context to use were not beyond the capacity of modern apes. Homo erectus did possess technology that was outside the range of ape behavior, but by this time, 1.5 mya, much of the encephalization of the Homo line had already occurred. In sum, most of the evolution of the human brain, the presumed anatomy of intelligence, had occurred prior to any evidence for technological sophistication and, as a consequence, it appears unlikely that technology itself played a central role in the evolution of this impressive human ability.' (Wynn, 1988, p. 283)." (Miller, Geoffrey F. (1994) Evolution of the human brain through runaway sexual selection: the mind as a protean courtship device. unpublished thesis. pp. 37)

"The aspects of Pan paniscus anatomy most readily perceived as paedomorphic are the face-jaw complex and the neurocranium. The bonobo skull resembles that of the adolescent chimpanzee (Coolidge, 1933), and in comparison to adult chimpanzees, bonobos have smaller mandibles, reduced prognathism, and a more globular cranium (Johnson 1981)." (Blount, Ben G. (1990) Issues in bonobo (Pan paniscus) sexual behavior. American Anthropologist 92: 707)

"The relationship between paedomorphized morphology and behavior are not entirely clear but are probably reflected in the high degree of sociability reported for the bonobos. In comparison to chimpanzees, bonobos exhibit reduced rates of aggression, especially severe aggression among males (Kuroda 1979, 1980; Mori 1984)." (Blount, Ben G. (1990) Issues in bonobo (Pan paniscus) sexual behavior. American Anthropologist 92: 708)

"The bonobo pattern not only shows cohesion among females but close association among males and females, both atypical of chimpanzees." (Blount, Ben G. (1990) Issues in bonobo (Pan paniscus) sexual behavior. American Anthropologist 92: 708)

"The high male-female affinity and reduced sexual differentiation in Pan paniscus social organization may be a behavioral link to the morphological characteristics (Shea 1984). Paedomorphism of a chimpanzee-like skull and consequent lessened sexual dimorphism reduce those aspects of the anatomy associated with aggressive display and activity, namely the heavier and more robust facial-jaw features. Sex as a source of aggressive competition would favor increased dimorphism, but sex as a tension-reducing mechanism would favor decreased dimorphism and promote nonaggressive social proximity. Extended receptivity and flexibility in sexual behavior, as a consequence of paedomorphism, would serve similar ends by reducing tension and promoting sociability." (Blount, Ben G. (1990) Issues in bonobo (Pan paniscus) sexual behavior. American Anthropologist 92: 708)

"It is important to recall that the behavioral complex of begging, sharing, and copulation occurs even when food is plentiful at the congregation sites (Kuroda 1984). That suggests that it is the proximity of large numbers of bonobos at a feeding site that produces tension, and that more prized the food, the greater the tension (Kano and Mulavwa 1984). Clusters of preferred food and consequent fusion of social groups produce competition and tension, which must be reduced if relatively peaceful feeding is to ensue. In that context, a tension-reduction mechanism would be advantageous, allowing individuals to maximize access to food, and increase individual fitness. Selection pressures for more frequent, more flexible sexual behavior would favor paedomorphism, that is, reduced male robustness and more adolescent-like females with a genital anatomy that would promote ventro-ventral copulation. The proposed modification of the White and Wrangham hypothesis has the advantage of incorporating what appears to be the major tension-reduction mechanism into the feeding ecology and in the context where competition and tension are likely to occur most frequently and strongly. A fully adequate test of the hypothesis,however, will require additional phenological and behavioral studies." (Blount, Ben G. (1990) Issues in bonobo (Pan paniscus) sexual behavior. American Anthropologist 92: 710)

"What does the available evidence about Pan paniscus sexual behavior tell us about the phylogeny of the panid-hominid taxa? The primary message is that parallel evolution can produce similar anatomical and behavioral results. Selection for paedomorphism has long been thought to be an aspect of hominization, and increased sociality, sexual receptivity, and related morphological changes have been viewed as correlates. Paedomorphism "led" to striking similarities in the two species. As a further similarity, it is possible that in bonobos and in protohumans paedomorphic-derived behavior maximized access to food resources in male-female groups." (Blount, Ben G. (1990) Issues in bonobo (Pan paniscus) sexual behavior. American Anthropologist 92: 710)

"Dahl (1985) has shown that the morphology of the external genitalia in adult female P. paniscus closely resembles that of juvenile rather than adult P. troglodytes. In addition, he argues (Dahl, 1986) that certain aspects (although not all) of the swelling and menstrual cycles of P. paniscus resemble those of juvenile P. troglodytes, particularly the length of the swelling phase and the intermenstrual interval. (Shea, B.T. (1989) Heterochrony in human evolution: the case for neoteny reconsidered. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 92)

"In all situations, females exhibit choice. First of all, females decide which males to mate with in the group situation. Although involved in a "flurry of sexual activity," a fertile female surrounded by males still decides if she will respond to a male invitation (Goodall, 1986). In addition, consorships are formed only with female cooperation." (Small, Meredith F. (1989) Female choice in nonhuman primates. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 122)

"As noted below for he human case, discussions of behavioral features in terms of neoteny and paedomorphosis are often problematic. Nevertheless, it is worth pointing out that several authors (e.g. Kuroda, 1979, 1980; Dahl, 1986) have described some of the behavioral features of P. paniscus as paedomorphic and resembling juvenile patterns of P. troglodytes. Examples here include play behavior, food sharing frequency, decreased social differentiation by sex, ventro-ventral copulation, and the characteristic genito-genital (GG) rubbing of females. Several of these behaviors may be directly linked to the morphological features of the juvenilized external genitalia discussed above (see Dahl, 1985, 1986). I have argued elsewhere (Shea, 1983a, 1984) that the most important link among the morphological and behavioral distinctions between P. paniscus and P. troglodytes is the reduced social differentiation by sex. The most notable morphological change associated with neotenic facial growth in P. paniscus is the marked reduction in sexual dimorphism of the gnathic and total facial region. Although the canine teeth of P. paniscus are significantly sexually dimorphic, they are much less so than is the case in P. troglodytes, and the same holds true for a comparison of dimorphism in facial dimensions between the species (Fenart and Deblock, 1972, 1973, 1974). While we have much to learn regarding the intriguing behavioral distinctions between these two chimpanzee species (see Wrangham, 1986, for one recent discussion), it seems likely that the reduced sexual dimorphism in the facial region of P. paniscus is related to social factors, such as lowered male-male and male-female aggression, increased female bonding, increased food sharing, and perhaps aspects of sexual behavior." (Shea, B.T. (1989) Heterochrony in human evolution: the case for neoteny reconsidered. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 93-4)

"There is some correlation between male mating success and dominance. The most dominant male, if his position is clearly demarcated, sometimes has the most success mating in group situations. While Tutin (1979) found no correlation between rank, age, or antagonism and success in 14 consortships, the reanalysis by Goodall of the 258 consortships shows that only well-established dominant males have an advantage. This correlation is not, however, particularly strong in either the group or consort situation. Goodall (1986), Tutin (1975,1979), and McGinnis (1979) all feel that "personality" is the major variable that determines which males will be preferred by females, and rank is only one aspect of personality." (Small, Meredith F. (1989) Female choice in nonhuman primates. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 122)

"Barbary macaques have been of special interest to primatologists because of two interesting features. Females mate with almost all available males in the group, and yet males interact extensively with infants. In other words, males interact with infants that may not be their own. Based on observations of two separate colonies of provisioned animals, Kuester and Paul (1984) and Small (in press, b) have provided detailed descriptions of the mating patterns of female Barbary macaques. Females breed in the fall and undergo an average of 2 cycles. They exhibit extreme swelling and color changes of the perineal area that can last several weeks. Detumescence is rapid, and is followed by visible menstruation 14 days later. The second cycle is often less physiologically intense, although it may not be so behaviorally. In addition, females have a second or third estrus even if they are pregnant and solicit males at the usual rate. The most remarkable feature of Barbary macaque mating is the frequency of copulations and the number of partners. Small (in press, b) calculated an average of 2.23 copulations per hour with an average of 7 different partners during each estrus (range 1-14). Small also observed one female who copulated with 3 different males in 6 minutes. Taub (1980a) used the euphemism "consociation" in an attempt to gain some respectability for female Barbary macaque "promiscuity." In fact, females rarely stay more than a few minutes with any male, and move form partner to partner while the males seem unable to stop them (Small, in press, b). In captivity and in the field, these are the most sexually assertive of females macaques, and they seem to play the major role in determining mate with whom, and when. .... Males are somewhat related, and they also are not extensively dimorphic in size from females." (Small, Meredith F. (1989) Female choice in nonhuman primates. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 119-120)

"Boinski (1987) conducted the first field study of squirrel monkeys in which individual animals were recognized. Squirrel monkeys live in medium to large multi-male/multi-female groups )approximately 35 individuals in Boinski's study), and they are exclusively arboreal. Boinski was able to determine that females, not males, transfer between groups, That there is little male-male aggression and no discernible male hierarchy. Females are seasonally receptive and each estrus lasts only 6-8 days. Male squirrel monkeys increase in size by 20% during the breeding season. More significantly, Boinski determined that the largest male is responsible for 70% of the observed copulations. Females actively and assertively solicit copulations. They engage in mutual olfactory investigations with males and place their hindquarters up to the nose of males. Females apparently prefer the largest male, but when he was occupied, or did not respond, they copulated with other males." (Small, Meredith F. (1989) Female choice in nonhuman primates. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 32: pp. 114) [note that squirrel monkeys are one of the species used as pets suggesting tamed nature with neotenous behavioral attributes]

"Thus, with a low paternity probability, there is an inherent matrilineal bias to kin relationships and concomitant investment patterns. This may be significant for the formation of matrilineages as opposed to patrilineages." (Kurland, J.A. (1979) Paternity, Mother's Brother, and Human Sociality. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 155)

"Paternity probability appears to be very high among the Yanomamo, based on paternity exclusion tests conducted by my medical colleagues at the Department of Human Genetics, University of Michigan Medical School. Using several different antigen systems we tested blood samples from parent/offspring triads and, allowing for possible errors due to mislabeling specimens, estimated that the nonpaternity level is about ten percent." (Chagnon, N.A. (1979) Mate Competition, Favoring Close Kin, and Village Fissioning Among the Yanomamo Indians. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 98) [Note: could it be estimated that if female infanticide is high then paternity levels are high, if indeed the sexual selection process is driven by a reduction in the female/male ratio creating a more targetable direction of male cultural characteristics. Then again, if female infanticide was high and there was low level of paternity probability, then it seems the female, rather than her family, is making more of a decision on the character of the father.]

The highest concern of all the mythologies, ceremonials, ethical systems, and social organizations of the agriculturally based societies has been that of suppressing the manifestations of individualism; and this has been generally achieved by compelling or persuading people to identify themselves not with their own interests, intuitions, or modes of experience, but with the archetypes of behavior and systems of sentiment developed and maintained in the public domain." (Campbell, Joseph (1959) The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. Penquin Books: New York p. 240)

"It is, in fact, most remarkable how many primitive hunting races have the legend of a still more primitive age than their own, in which the women were the sole possessors of the magical art." (Campbell, Joseph (1959) The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. Penquin Books: New York p. 315)

Description of Strabo, a 1st century B.C. Greek, discussing that the Crete inhabitants had a woman's brother bring up her children. Also Sparta discussion of matrilineal culture and the calculation of mother's brother as vital to early Greek culture. (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilizationof the Goddess. Harper: S. F. pp. 346-7)

"The caves, crevices, and caverns of the earth are natural manifestations of the primordial womb of the Mother. This idea is not Neolithic in origin; it goes back to the Paleolithic, when the narrow passages, oval-shaped areas, clefts, and small cavities of caves are marked or painted entirely in red." (Gimbutas, Marija (1989) The Languages of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 151)

"The gens, though a very ancient social organization founded upon kin, does not include all the descendants of a common ancestor. It was for the reason that when the gens came in, marriage between single pairs was unknown, and descent through males could not be traced with certainty. Kindred were linked together chiefly through the bond of their maternity. In the ancient gens descent was limited to the female line. It embraced all such persons as traced their descent from a supposed common female ancestor, through females, the evidence of the fact being the possession of a common gentile name. It would include this ancestor and her children, the children of her daughters, and the children of her female descendants, through females, in perpetuity; whilst the children of her sons, and the children of her male descendants, through males, would belong to other gentes; namely, those of their respective mothers. Such was the gens in its archaic form, when the paternity of children was not certainly ascertainable, and when their maternity afforded the only certain criterion of descents." (Morgan 1877: 68, Ancient Society.)

"In the consanguine family, thus constituted, the husbands lived in polygyny, and the wives in polyandry, which are seen to be as ancient as human society. Such a family was neither unnatural nor remarkable. It would be difficult to show any other possible beginning of the family in the primitive period. Its long continuance in a partial form among the tribes of mankind is the greater cause for surprise; for all traces of it had not disappeared among the Hawaiians at the epoch of their discovery." (Morgan 1877: 409, Ancient Society.)

"It must be remembered that the consanguine group united in the marriage relation was not restricted to own brothers and sisters; but it included collateral brothers and sisters as well. The larger the group recognizing the marriage relation, the less the evil of close interbreeding......There are reasons for concluding that the remote ancestors of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families possessed a system identical with the Malayan when in the savage state, which was finally modified into the Turanian after the establishment of the gentile organization, and then overthrown when the monogamian family appeared, introducing the Aryan system of consanguinity." (Morgan 1877: 414-15, Ancient Society.)

"Finally, it will be perceived that the state of society indicated by the consanguine family points with logical directness to an anterior condition of promiscuous intercourse. There seems to be no escape form this conclusion, although questioned by so eminent a writer as Mr. Darwin." (Morgan 1877: 418, Ancient Society.)

"Several brothers among the Britons, according to Caesar, possessed their wives in common." (Morgan 1877: 430, Ancient Society.)

"Kurland notes that, just as we would expect, matrilineal societies tend to have low paternity certainty and to place little stress on female fidelity; patrilineal societies tend to have high paternity certainty and place greater stress on female chastity and fidelity. Men invest in their sister's children where there is matrilineality and in their own children when patrilineality prevails." (Thompson, W.I. (1981) The Time Falling Bodies Take To Light. St. Martin’s Press: New York p. 57)

"The difficulty is that when a man thinks of matriarchy, he thinks of a patriarchy with women in the place of men; he does not stop to consider that matriarchy may be a complete mirror-image. Where patriarchy establishes law, matriarchy establishes custom; where patriarchy establishes military power, matriarchy establishes religious authority; where patriarchy encourages the aresteia of he individual warrior, matriarchy encourages the tradition bound cohesion of the collective." (Thompson, W.I. (1981) The Time Falling Bodies Take To Light. St. Martin’s Press: New York p. 140)

"In summary, the cemetery evidence in central and east-central Europe during the 5th millennium B.C. speaks for the existence of kinship based societies. Graves were arranged in rows or in groups of twenty to thirty-five people, which may refect kin-related units. The most honored members of the Old European society were elder females, perhaps heads of the stem or queens, and girls who were very likely members of a hereditary line or priestesses. Their graves do not indicate the accumulation of personal possessions but are marked by symbolic items, sometimes of exceptional quality, and by the erection of gigantic mounds and consecrated structures. The graves of girls and female infants were consistently equipped with exceptional ritual objects not found in other graves. Analysis of blood groups testify to a pronounced indogamous society which may suggest that these girls were important heiresses in a hereditary female line." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilizationof the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 338)

"Judging from mythologies and surviving kinship terminology, the brother of the queen (or priestess, as representative of the Goddess), rather than her consort, played a major role. In Neolithic times, the queen-priestess presided over agriculture and religious life. Her brother may have assumed leadership responsibilities (but not dominating control) over public works, craft organization, and trade." (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilizationof the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 344)

"codes of Roman Law vestigial features can be recognized to a matrilineal order of inheritance" in first European recognition of matristic order in 1861 by Johann Jakob Bachofen. (Gimbutas, Marija (1989) The Languages of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. forward, 1st page by Joseph Campbell)

"The major aspects of the Goddess of the Neolithic --- the birth-giver, portrayed in a naturalistic birth-giving pose; the fertility-giver influencing growth and multiplication, portrayed as a pregnant nude; the life of nourishment-giver and protectress, portrayed as a bird-women with breasts and protruding buttocks; and the death-wielder as a stiff nude ("bone") --- can all be traced back to the period when the first sculptures of bone, ivory, or stone appeared, around 25,000 B. C. and their symbols --- vulvas, triangles, breasts, chevrons, zig-zags, meanders, cupmarks --- to an even earlier time." (Gimbutas, Marija (1989) The Languages of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. xix)

"Greek Artemis, Eileithyia, Thracian Bendis, Venetic Rehtia, and Roman Diana, as well as the living Fate in European folk beliefs --- particularly the Baltic Laima and the Irish Brigit --- are unquestionable descendants of the prehistoric Life-giving Goddess. This Goddess has nothing to do with the Indo-European pantheon of gods. She must have survived the process of Indo-Europeanization and was carried over to our times from generation to generation by the grandmothers and mothers of countless families. The historic and prehistoric Life-giver was a Mistress of mountains, stones, waters, forests, and animals, and incarnation of the mysterious powers of nature. Being an owner of wells, springs, and healing waters, she was a miraculous bestower of health. Through prehistory and history she appeared as a bird woman, bird, or woman. As a waterbird she was a nourisher of humanity and an increaser of material goods. She was the guardian of the well-being of the family and from Paleolithic times must have been considered to be the ancestress and progenetrix of the family or clan." (Gimbutas, Marija (1989) The Languages of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p.111)

"The beautiful Hera, one of the most revered of the Greek Goddesses, is the likely descendant of the prehistoric Snake Goddess." "Homer called her "cow-faced." boopis. Egyptian Hathor was also a cow and is described as the primeval serpent who ruled the world." (Gimbutas, Marija (1989) The Languages of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p.134)

"Where descent is in the female line, as it was universally in the archaic period, the gens is composed of a supposed female ancestor and her children, together with the children of her female descendants, through females, in perpetuity..." (Morgan 1877: 63, Ancient Society.)

"The gens has passed through successive stages of development in its transition from its archaic to its final form with the progress of mankind. These changes were limited, in the main, to two: firstly, changing descent from the female line, which was the archaic rule, as among the Iroquois, to the male line, which was the final rule, as among the Grecian and Roman gentes; and, secondly, changing the inheritance of the property of a deceased member of the gens from his gentiles, who took it in the archaic period, first to his agnatic kindred, and finally to his children. These changes, slight as they may seem, indicate very great changes of condition as well as a large degree of progressive development." (Morgan 1877: 64, Ancient Society.)

"Virtually every account of a matrilineally organized community that I consulted confirmed that men did retain rights throughout life in the household property and offspring of their mothers/sisters, and that there were various taboos or inhibitions against helping themselves to provisions within the households of their wives." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 27)

"More interesting than this, however, is the modern sociobiologically inspired finding that among primates generally it is the strategies pursued by the female sex which ultimately determine the overall social structure." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven pp. 131-2) {text follows with description of male vs female priorities. Notes that 4 % of mammallian species are monoganous>}

In primates "The variations and permutations are numerous, but the basic result is that females arrange themselves across the landscape in characteristic patterns - grouped or isolated, fast-moving or slow, in trees or on the ground - and the males in pursuing their sexual goals adopt strategies which take account of the situation which the females have defined." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 133)

"Except in the case of a few species, such as the monogamous gibbons, it is the males, therefore, who are the more exploratory sex, tending to establish quite extensive ranges, each overlapping the smaller ranges of several females. Females, by contrast, choose their partners and their localities carefully and invest in them more heavily - for each needs to prepare a long term protective ecological and social niche for herself and her offspring. ... Since males move around and change their relationships, while females tend to retain theirs throughout life, the result is something like a matrilineal descent system. A concise and emphatic statement on this point was made by a pioneering authority on hamadryas baboons in 1971: 'Nonhuman primates', he wrote, 'recognise only matrilineal kinship" (Kummer 1971: 34)." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 136)

"Nevertheless, within their male-patrolled ranges, primate females of all species tend to choose other females, not males, as their immediate foraging companions. (Dunbar 1988:138)." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 137) {Suggestions on why this may be so follow in text.}

"Women, from the beginning, have held the future in their hands. Their responsibilities for offspring have often compelled them to resist men's advances, subordinating short-term sexual to longer-term economic goals. Thanks mainly to female insistence, backed by the imperatives of reproductive survival, culture from its earliest stages held male sexual dominance in check - not always completely annihilating it, but at least preventing it from holding undisputed sway. As the process of 'becoming human' (Tanner 1981) proceeded, women (usually with some backing from their male offspring and kin) resisted and even repressed the raw expression of primate male sexuality, eventually replacing it with something more acceptable." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 153)

"...there is now a virtual consensus that a clearly demarcated home base and sexual division of labour did not appear until very late - possibly as late as the arrival of anatomically modern humans. This is much too late for it to have anything to do with bipedalism, large brains, or any other specifically hominid as opposed to pongid anatomical traits." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 174)

"Despite living in large social groups, human females do not have to travel across the landscape from dawn to dusk in search of food, carrying their offspring with them and ending each day at a new location. They have in this sense broken through the whole system of constraints governing primate social evolution. Group-living human females can afford to centre their lives at and around a home base area largely because, as we saw in Chapter 4, they have adopted a strategy of 'standing their ground' and making the opposite sex do some or much of the necessary foraging for them. The problem, of course, is to explain how this breakthrough could have been achieved." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 194)

"Whereas the basic primate pattern is to deliver a periodic 'yes' signal against a background of continuous sexual 'no', humans emit a periodic 'no' signal against a background of continuous 'yes'."
(Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 210)

"Despite individual variation, repeated statistical studies consistently show that the average human female menstrual cycle length is 29.5 days (Gunn et al. 1937; McClintock 1971; Vollman 1977; Cutler et al. 1980). the average duration of pregnancy is 265.78 or 265.79 days counting from conception to birth (Menacker and Menacker 1959). As Menaker and Menaker (1959) point our, this is nine times the menstrual cycle length (9 multiplied by 29.5 gives 265.5)..."Not only arithmetic by astronomy seems supportive in this connection: there are unmistakable suggestions of a correspondence between human reproductive periodicity in general and the 29.5 day cycle length of the moon." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 215)

"Turke's model would imply, then, not that all females behaved in the same way; only that those which synchronised best were the ones to evolve in the most anatomically modern directions. The most consistent synchronisers would have secured the most male support, and in this context would have been the most effective mothers. the added support would have enabled mothers to become more slow-moving, more attached to sheltered, well-watered spots or to camp-fires affording warmth - and consequently more able to prioritize child care. Relatively premature babies would have survived better, leading to increased neoteny and hence the possibility of larger brains. (Turke 1984)." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 225)

"...they needed a solution which enabled them to survive in this habitat without leaving their ancient traditions of tidal synchrony behind. Since synchrony's old conditions were vanishing, anatomically modern protowomen had to seek ways of preserving their menstrual and reproductive harmony - their 'witchcraft' or 'magic', as it would become conceptualised - in novel ways. In the end, they broke their umbilical cords, abandoned their ancient shoreline habitats - and in the new situation used massage, sweating, ritual bathing, dance, night-long firelight and moon-scheduled celebratory sexual intercourse to augment any effects that nature's weakened clocks on their own might have had. Using such extraordinary new 'artistic' devices as body-paint, sound-making instruments and elaborate choreography, they sustained and intensified their synchrony to the point where the harnessing of male provisioning energies could match the challenges of the new environment in which they lived, releasing child-burdened females from the need to find their own food for themselves. It was in the course of this woman inspired process that symbolic culture - forged centrally in what social anthropologists term 'the ritual domain' - was at last born." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 255)

"However, over a period, the hunter-males now begin to find that it pays them to time their hunting expeditions so as to harmonise with the physiological rhythms of the females. This means ensuring, for example, that each time the females are due to ovulate, they (the males) are not just about to go away on an extended hunting trip. Although strict scheduling may not always be possible, in general males try to time matters the other way around. That is, it is in their genetic interests to be returning home laden with meat just when the females are most ready for them, hunting-linked absences coinciding or overlapping with menstruation." "It will be noted that the cards are now for a variety of reasons stacked against old-style 'dominance' in males, no matter how large their hand-axes (Chapter 8) or other physical capabilities for dominance. Not only are sexually competitive, female-monopolising males excluded by their own preoccupations from co-operative hunting. There is also the problem that since the two gender groups are now normatively cycling and hunting in sympathy with one another, even any sex relations forcefully or deceitfully secured during the hunters' absence will be infertile. The time-honoured primate strategies of 'Machiavellian' deception and dominance (Byrne and Whiten 1988), in other words, no longer pay. Since old-style alpha males are no longer able to meet female needs, whole groups of females begin to synchronise across wider areas than ever before, in effect 'voting against' and perhaps also physically 'disarming' individual males who may still prove abstructive (see Chaper 4)." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 285)

Uncomfortably for those who argue for the universal cultural primacy of the 'nuclear family', in other words, we find a widespread pattern according to which it is the disjunction of spouses, not their conjunction, which is the most strongly emphasised ritual and structural norm." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 313)

"We might even say that is drastically delaying both culinary and sexual gratification, women's action made possible the 'invention' of cultural time. Banning sex would certainly have cleared aside an entirely new and dedicated sector of space/time within which human productive activities could occur. By decisively disjoining sex from work, consumption from production and end from means, it must also have vastly enhanced humans' awareness of how to organise their time (cf. Wagener 1987)." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Yale Univ. Press: New Haven p. 326)

"As they harmonised their rhythms with those of the world around them, earliest cultural women must have felt the power in their own bodies to be intimately connected with all wider processes of cyclical renewal. It was almost as if their blood - source of all life - made the rains fall, the season change, the game animals reproduce and multiply. It would have been logical to feel this - if it really were women's sexual-political combined action which kept the social world so successfully turning in sympathy with wider ecological rhythms. When synchrony with the moon and tides was properly established, social life was successful, adaptation to nature's demands was appropriate, and therefore it seemed that the wind, the rain, the earth, the sky and all of nature was supportive of human life. In this context, we can perhaps imagine the sense of cosmic strength conveyed as women identified their own inner forces with the turning of the moon, with the success of men's hunting efforts, with their own gathering and child-bearing productivities, with the tides, seasons and other manifestations of cyclical change - and in tropical regions with the awesome force of lightning, thunder and the onset on monsoonal rains." (Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations; Yale Univ. Press, New Haven p. 512)

"The reason for the paradoxical, dialectical nature of the imagery is the all-embracing, cyclical, conflict-transcending nature of the power itself. As we have seen, the power was collective - and therefore many-headed. It was an immense alliance - and therefore stretched, snakelike, across the landscape. It was dependent on the periodic flowing of blood - and therefore seemed bloodthirsty in its appetites. It involved the harmonisation of menstruation with the periodicity of the moon - and so is experienced as cosmic, umbilical, birth giving, astrological. Its potency was inseparable from the awesome symbolic potency of menstrual blood - which became encoded as the death-dealing snake venom or poisonous dragon breath emanating from its being. Its rhythm was that of perpetual cyclical alteration between opposite light and dark, marital and kinship, cooked and raw, fire and blood phases or states - and therefore became codified as a rainbow-like, betwixt-and-between entity in which all conceivable opposites were combined."(Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations; Yale Univ. Press, New Haven p. 520)

"Almost all of the gestures of courtship are also part of threatening behavior." (Goodall,J. (1971) In the Shadow of Man. Dell: New York p. 181)

"In other words, chimpanzees are very promiscuous, but this does not mean that every female will accept every male who courts her." (Goodall,J. (1971) In the Shadow of Man. Dell: New York pp. 187-8)

"Throughout Gimble's infancy Gremlin was an integral part of the family. At Gombe there is no closer relationship in chimpanzee society than that between a mother and her grown daughter." Goodall, Jane (1990) Through A Window. Houghton Mifflin: Boston p. 166)

"Environmental change appears to have produced sub-species differentiation in both gorillas and chimpanzees, and, more specifically, the isolation of the pygmy chimpanzee (Pan paniscus) by changes in the flow of the Congo River during the (early?) Pleistocene led to speciation or greater isolation in already existing species. What is perhaps particularly exciting about the paniscus/troglodytes split is that small changes in morphology and in feeding behaviour seem to have brought about some radical changes in social organization - the break up of male-male alliances and the development of female-female bonding (White, in press; Susman 1984). This may be analogous to speciation processes in both early and later hominid evolution (Foley 1987). (Robert Foley in Mellars P & Stringer C (1989) The Human Revolution. (eds. Mellars & Stringer) Princeton Univ. Press. Princeton p. 308)

"In wild chimpanzees, the females use tools both more frequently and more skillfully than do the males. (McGrew 1979; Boesch and Boesch 1984). (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 192, Bonobo)

"Gibbons live in faithful pairs in the forests of Southeast Asia, each pair living a solitary life within a territory. " (Ridley 1993: 212, The Red Queen)

"Robin Dunbar of Liverpool University believes that male gibbons are monogamous to prevent infanticide." (Ridley 1993: 214, The Red Queen)

"Yet concealed ovulation is a habit we share with some monkeys and at least one ape (the orangutan). (Ridley 1993: 231, The Red Queen

"Both species are male-philopatric---that is, males stay in their natal groups, whereas females disperse to neighboring groups. As a result, the senior males of a chimpanzee or bonobo group have known all the junior males since birth, and all the junior males have grown up together. Moreover, males are often related to one another, and there are close bonds between maternal brothers. Females, on the other hand, transfer to an unfamiliar and often hostile group, where they may know no one or only a few female migrants from their own community." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 63, Bonobo)

"White and Chapman found that chimpanzee females tend to move apart whenever they find themselves near one another, whereas in bonobos it is the males who stay away from one another. All other sex combinations show tolerance and cohesion---that is, individuals remain together once they have gotten close. This suggests that the chief difference is between male bonding and female aversion in the chimpanzee and female bonding and male aversion in the bonobo. The data of Furuichi and Ihobe from Wamba, however, provide a slightly different picture. They, too, found high affiliation among female bonobos, but further report that males of this species travel together and groom one another just as much as male chimpanzees in Mahale do." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 65, Bonobo)

"The one consistent species difference is a closer relationship between the sexes in bonobos. At Wamba, three-quarters of the travelling parties are mixed: they include adults of both sexes and mothers with offspring. The figure for Lomako is only slightly lower. At both study sites, grooming (a widely accepted gauge of social ties) is most common between the sexes, followed by grooming among females, with the least amount of grooming among males. In the chimpanzee, males will travel with a sexually receptive female, but since females are only occasionally in this attractive state, the sexes rarely seek each other's company. Female bonobos, on the other hand, sport the pink swellings that signal receptivity for extended periods of time; parties virtually always include at least one swollen female. Perhaps as a result, the sexes are more often together in mixed companies. Furthermore, male bonobos---including fully grown ones---follow their mothers around through the forest, which makes for even more intersexual association. Since females of both species migrate to other groups, the only close kinship ties that get a chance to form are those between mother and son and between brothers (fatherhood is unknown to the investigators and almost certainly to the apes as well.) Chimpanzee brothers tend to associate and support each other in fights, such as the alliance between Faben and Figan that allowed Figan to conquer the top spot in the Gombe community. In contrast, the mother-son bond in chimpanzees, although clearly in evidence, is only minimally developed. Bonobos show the opposite pattern: the focus of male kinship bonding has shifted from siblings towards the mother. That the mother son tie also has implications for the male rank order makes the parallels and contrasts with chimpanzees all the more intriguing." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 67, Bonobo)

"Among males the situation is entirely different. As far as we know, males do not move between groups, and dominance seems to matter a great deal to them. There is much more fighting among males than among females. Whereas rank positions near the top, specifically the position of alpha male, tend to be quite clear, mid-ranking and lower positions are not so well defined. Since bonobos do not show elaborate status rituals, the rank order is mostly expressed in the direction of aggressive chases. These encounters, which rarely escalate, often end in a quick conciliatory contact in which two males mount each other or rub their scrotums together standing back-to-back. (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 74, Bonobo)

"In bonobos, however, male alliances are little developed, which allows females to exert much greater influence. As a result, a relatively young adult male can reach a top position provided his mother is of high rank. On the other hand, males whose mothers are over the hill, or dead, tend to drop in rank. This brings us to perhaps the most puzzling aspect of bonobo society: females often dominate males. With a few notable exceptions, such as spotted hyenas and the lemurs of Madagascar, male dominance is the standard mammalian pattern. The reason is not hard to guess: males usually outweigh females and possess weapons, such as horns, tusks, or fangs, that are absent or much reduced in females." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 76, Bonobo)

"Similarly, observers at the Belgian animal park of Planckendael reported that if a male tried to harass a female, all the females would band together to chase him off. That such behavior is not restricted to captivity is evident from observations at Wamba. According to Kano, males sometimes provoke counterattacks from a mass of females: "A group of males will not attack a female, but the opposite can occur." At the center of a travelling party, one usually finds high-ranking females close together. Their sons are allowed to enter this aggregation, but adult males without mothers tend to stay at the periphery. The picture emerging from Wamba, then, is one of a female-centered society, in which even the male rank order is largely dictated by mothers." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 78, Bonobo)

"The conclusion was that females favored the company of members of their own sex. Females sat together, groomed each other, and played together considerably more than with the male in their group. They actively pursued these contacts: females followed each other around seven times more often than they followed the male. Because females also associated more with immatures (many of whom were their offspring), adult males tended to be rather peripheral to group life." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 113, Bonobo)

"Despite the absence of stable mate bonds, bonobos share with us a dramatically extended sexual receptivity. Females are most willing to engage in sex when they are maximally swollen; during this phase mating males also thrust faster---perhaps reflecting greater arousal. Increased receptivity has been achieved by extending the period of genital swelling. Whereas the chimpanzee has a menstrual cycle of approximately thirty-five days, the bonobo's is closer to forty-five days, and the period of swelling covers a greater portion of the cycle (75% compared to 50% in the chimpanzee). In addition, bonobo females resume swellings within a year after having given birth---when they are definitely not yet fertile---which further adds to the amount of time when they are sexually attractive to males. These characteristics make for quite a contrast: the chimpanzee female is receptive less than 5 percent of her adult life, whereas the bonobo female is so nearly half the time." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 107, Bonobo)

"At the zoo, the average bonobo initiates sex once every one and a half hours, whereas the average chimpanzee does so once every seven hours. In the wild, the frequencies are no doubt lower. Many of the contacts, particularly those with the very young, are not carried through to the point of sexual climax. The partners merely pet and fondle each other. Even the average copulation between adults is quick by human standards: 13 seconds at the San Diego Zoo, and 15 seconds at Wamba. Instead of an endless orgy, we see a social life peppered by brief moments of sexual activity." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 105, Bonobo)

"I first noticed female dominance during a follow-up visit to the San Diego Zoo in 1985. A male who during my earlier studies had dominated a single adult female was now housed with two females, the older of whom clearly had the upper hand. If food was thrown into the enclosure, this female would select the best items before the male went anywhere near it. One might argue that this does not prove the female's dominance. Perhaps the male was merely being tolerant and respectful. However, this female also occasionally chased the male; never the other way around. The same feeding priority, chasing, and avoidance pattern in any other combination of individuals (e. g. between males) would without hesitation be classified in terms of dominance." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 188, Bonobo)

Bonobo life stage chart says Nursing period 0-5, First genital swelling (onset of adolescence) 7, Begins to wander between groups 8, Settles into new group 9-13, Menarche and first full-sized swelling 10, Growth-cessation (adult size reached) 14-16, First offspring 13-15, Cessation of ovulation (menopause) 40, Longevity 50-55. (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 190, Bonobo)

"It is tempting to speculate that bonobos are flooded with oxytocin. This mammalian hormone promotes the mother-offspring bond. Oxytocin is released during birth and in nursing females; its original function is to trigger muscle contractions necessary for parturition and lactation. When it reaches the brain, however, the hormone seems to serve a broader function. In rodents, oxytocin has been found to stimulate affectionate behavior and, in turn, to be released as a result of that behavior. (Insel 1992). If oxytocin indeed circulates in large quantities in the blood of bonobos---a testable hypothesis---this might explain their high level of social and sexual bonding. That possibility is not, however, an alternative to the evolutionary scenarios discussed in chapter 5. If bonobos have physiological mechanisms that make them seek intensive contact, and that perhaps provide them with satisfaction from such contact, the question of how these mechanisms evolved still remains. It is generally assumed that natural selection "attaches" rewarding experiences to particular kinds of behavior so as to urge animals to do what is best for them." (De Wall & Lanting 1997: 192, Bonobo)

In this section include the bonobo female exagamy as tentatively characteristic of hominid and early anatomically correct human societies, supported by Red Queen assertions of stressed human females giving birth to more females suggesting they would be the sex that would travel to a new community.

"The cranial paedomorphosis and neoteny in P. paniscus may be related to reduced sexual dimorphism in morphology and behavior since reduction or truncation of a structure's growth yields reduced sexual dimorphism. (24), and P. paniscus exhibits less sexual differentiation of behavior and grouping patterns than P. troglodytes (25). Gould (7) and others (26) have suggested that analyses of heterochrony may provide a vital link between studies of morphological evolution and regulatory genetics. The seeming disparity between separating humans and chimpanzees has led many to conclude that small changes in the genetic material controlling regulatory systems might account for significant organizemal change in evolution (7, 26-28). Although the morphological differences between pygmy and common chimpanzees do not approach those characterizing a human-to-chimpanzee contrast, the above results show how substantial morphological differentiation may result from shifts in developmental timing and rates of growth among various major body regions, with little or no change in the ontogenetic patterns within each region. The data are consistent with the idea that "features of an organism are bound...In covariant sets, and these sets are often dissociable as blocks" (28). This "shuffling" of the developmental trajectories of various body regions may provide new adaptive morphological configurations with minimal genetic changes." (Shea, B.T. (1983) Paedomorphosis and neoteny in the pygmy chimpanzee. Science 222: pp. 522)

"The analysis of sibling relationships demonstrates that the brother-sister relationship, which generates the avunculate, is of singular importance to human social behavior. The kin relationship will be of particular salience for a male whenever circumstances lead to a reduction in the probability of paternity. Thus, where promiscuity is more prevalent, more tolerated, or more easily achieved, where long-term marriage is nonexistent or highly unstable---that is, where divorce and serial monogamy or serial polygamy predominate---there will be lower levels of paternity certainty. There will be a concommitant emphasis on the avunculate and other matrilateral relationships as evidenced by investment patterns, residence, and other forms of social behavior. To the extent that a man can or will invest beyond his own children, he is expected to invest in his sister's certain children in preference to his brother's putative children. A women may similarly bias any additional investment toward her sister's children. Thus, the higher relatedness between matrilateral kin, (e.g., matrilateral parallel cousins), and the subsequent lowered threshold for cooperation and altruism between kin, will bias social interactions by creating conditions conducive to the emergence of the avunculate, matrilineal inheritance of property and status, matrilocality, and matrilineages." (Kurland, J.A. (1979) Paternity, Mother's Brother, and Human Sociality. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 157)

"In addition to extramarital sex, premarital promiscuity and trial marriage may also alter the paternity probability. Indeed, at least one cross-cultural study suggests that in matrilineal-matrilocal societies sanctions against premarital sex, when they exist, are quite mild, whereas such sanctions are severe in patrilineal-patrilocal societies. (Goethals 1971). Although premarital sex is especially tolerated in matrilineal societies (e.g., Malinowski 1929), unwed mothers and illegitimacy leading to lower probabilities of paternity are not tolerated......I most matrilineal societies divorce is reported to be quite frequent, and can be initiated by either party without social stigma." (Kurland, J.A. (1979) Paternity, Mother's Brother, and Human Sociality. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 160-1)

"Reports on several other societies suggest that a strong avunculate relationship and a matrilateral kinship bias correlate with high levels of premarital and extramarital promiscuity, and serial marriages. Among the Navaho (Aberle 1961), virginity is not at all valued, and in many instances fatherhood is a question hotly disputed. Adultery is most often cited as the grounds for divorce, and divorce most frequently ends the characteristically short-term Navaho marriages---although desertion and death also play their part. Indeed, only a third of the women and a fourth of the men remain married to the same spouse into old age." (Kurland, J.A. (1979) Paternity, Mother's Brother, and Human Sociality. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 162)

"Because in most "primitive" societies a woman begins her reproductive life at an age significantly younger than a man's, he may have more nephews and nieces through sisters than through brothers (Irons, chapter 7). (Kurland, J.A. (1979) Paternity, Mother's Brother, and Human Sociality. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 165)

"The present model lends some support to Murdock's (1949) contention that matrilocal-matrilineal societies easily revert to patrilocal-patrilineal societies. The paternity threshold (pt=0.268) is low, and thus may be easily realized. This low paternity threshold easily leads to the emergence of patrilineal, patrilateral, or patrilocal patterns that are, in fact, found in many matrilineal groups (Richards 1950). Once the paternity threshold has been passed, only a radical alteration in residence, male mobility, promiscuity, or female choice will bring the average paternity probability again below a fourth. Thus, it is not too surprising that only 15 percent of societies in Murdock's (1957) sample are matrilineal." (Kurland, J.A. (1979) Paternity, Mother's Brother, and Human Sociality. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 177)

"It might seem at first glance that women would always be interested in securing male investment for their children and that a husband who is convinced he is related to her children by 1/2 would always be a more reliable investor than a brother who can be related by no more than 1/4. However, this would not be the case if a cooperative group of related females is more effective at rearing children than a husband and several unrelated females. This is apparently the situation faced by Tiwi women. Given this condition, women may not be willing to do anything for a husband which could easily mean a women would be unwilling to move at marriage or to tolerate a husband who interferes in the relations between herself and her co-resident female kin. This condition may underlie uxorilocality and frequent divorce in many societies." (Irons, W. (1979) Investment and Primary Social Dyads. In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 210)

"Considerable evidence already indicates that humans have essentially always lived in bands of close kin, probably containing more than a single adult male (e.g. Lee and DeVore 1968). (Alexander, R.D. & Noonan, K.M. (1979) Concealment of Ovulation, Parental Care, and Human Social Evolution In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 436)

"Emphasis on the so-called continuous responsiveness of the human female, in trying to model its history, has focused attention on the proximate effect that the male is able to enjoy copulation more or less whenever he desire it. Thus, it has been argued that sexual competition is reduced among human males, allowing larger group sizes and more extensive cooperation (Etkin 1963; Washburn and Lancaster 1968; Pfeiffer 1969), or, that females keep their males at home by supplying constant sex (Washburn and DeVore 1961b; Campbell 1966; Morris 1967; Crook 1972)." (Alexander, R.D. & Noonan, K.M. (1979) Concealment of Ovulation, Parental Care, and Human Social Evolution In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 443)

"Androgens have a general anabolic effect. They reduce nitrogen excretion in many species. They promote growth of muscle. The uptake of glucose and glycogen synthesis in muscle is androgen-dependent. Men who have the genes for pattern baldness do not lose their head hair unless they have circulating androgens. Androgens increase sweat secretion rates. (Wagner and Hughes 1974). Carnivores in general have relatively large adrenal glands in terms of body weight; herbivores in general have thyroid glands relatively large in terms of body weight. The adrenals in adult women are about 70 percent larger relative to body weight than in adult female chimpanzees (Crile and Quiring 1940). Later studies of chimpanzees and rhesus monkeys confirm the relatively great size of the human adrenal glands (Bourne and Golarz de Bourne 1972; Bourne 1975; Graham 1970). Since there is no significant storage of androgens in the primate body, a fresh supply must be synthesized as it is used. The production rate of testosterone in nonpregnant adult human females is 0.29-0.35 mg/day and that of androstenedione 3.3-3.7 mg/day, the production of androgens by the adrenals being twice that of the ovaries (Reid, Ryan, and Benirschke 1972). Mean values of androgen excretion in the urine of normal women are 40 to 47 IU/day, or approximately two-thirds the amount excreted by males. Means of two adult female chimpanzees were 3.1 and 3.7 IU/day and those for ten adult female rhesus macaques ranged from 1.2 to 2.6 IU/day (Dorfman 1948: 501-502, 516). If we let 1 IU represent the biological activity of 0.1 mg. of adrosterone, the values in mg/kg/day are 0.7 for adult female chimpanzees and 8 for women. In a review of the literature, Graham (1970:203) noted that in chimpanzees male and female daily output of androgens was many times lower than the values obtained for man and close to values obtained for rhesus monkeys. Probably as a result of natural selection for endurance bipedal running, men and women have greater larger thyroid glands, and significantly larger adrenal glands and consequently greater hormone output than do rhesus monkeys and chimpanzees. (Spuhler, J.N. (1979) Continuities and Discontinuities in Anthropoid-Hominid Behavior Evolution: Bipedal Locomotion and Sexual Receptivity In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 458)

"In Homo Sapiens, erotic imagery, sensations, and actions are influenced in both males and females by androgens; in males the androgens are influenced in both males and females by androgens; in males the androgens are of both testicular and adrenal origin, in females mostly of adrenal secretion." (Spuhler, J.N. (1979) Continuities and Discontinuities in Anthropoid-Hominid Behavior Evolution: Bipedal Locomotion and Sexual Receptivity In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 460)

"Hominids responded to the selective challenge of endurance walking and running in order to take large game animals by developing hypertrophied thyroid and relatively larger adrenal glands. A side effect was the higher degree of continual sexual receptivity in hominid females." (Spuhler, J.N. (1979) Continuities and Discontinuities in Anthropoid-Hominid Behavior Evolution: Bipedal Locomotion and Sexual Receptivity In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 461)

"Humans apparently evolved in polygynous multi-male bands (Lee and DeVore 1968; Bigelow 1969; Alexander 1971; Flannery 1972) which in most parts of the world have tended toward increasing size (Flannery 1972; Carneiro 1970). Unlike other group-living primates, humans have also evolved extensive male parental care (Alexander and Noonan, chapter 16). Since a crucial correlate of male paternal care is male confidence of paternity (i.e., males will be favored who give parental care to their own offspring), females in such groups would be under strong selective pressure to (1) retain a male's attention on a relatively constant basis, because only then is he available for parental care, and (2) behave in ways which will tend to increase the male's confidence of paternity. At an extreme, female-female competition to gain and monopolize a male's attentions might yield continuous receptivity and concealed ovulation (Alexander and Noonon, chapter 16). (Low, B.S. (1979) Sexual Selection and Human Ornamentation In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 464)

[prediction by this author] "In societies in which male confidence of paternity is low, and males spend their parental effort nepotistically (as in societies in which "mother's brother" is the important male (see Alexander 1974, 1977a), female ornamentation should be low, since females in such situations are unlikely to gain parental effort from other males because confidence of paternity is low." (Low, B.S. (1979) Sexual Selection and Human Ornamentation In Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior. N. Chagnon & W. Irons, eds. Pp. 470)

"Theorists of human evolution, such as Bolk (1926), Gould (1977), and Montagu (1962,1989), have listed a number of physical and functional neotenous features of humans. ... Bipedality requires a change in the angle at which the spine connects with the skull. The opening in the skull where the spine connects to the skull is referred to as the foramen magnum. In all embryonic mammals, the foramen magnum is located at the bottom of the skull, so that the spine enters the skull at a right angle to the top of the skull and parallel to the plane of the face. During prenatal development, the location of the foramen magnum shifts toward the back of the skull, so that in most species of mammals the spine is essentially parallel to the top of the skull and perpendicular to the plane of the face. However, in humans, the position of the foramen magnum does not change appreciably beyond this embryonic stage. Development is retarded, so that at birth and into adulthood the sharp angle of the spine to the skull is maintained. That is, the foramen magnum maintains its embryonic position, with the result being that the skull sits atop the spine, thus permitting one to look forward while standing upright. Because the foramen magnum shifts toward the back of the skull in other mammals, forward sight is more easily accomplished when the animal is on all four feet. Thus bipedality results from retention of an embryonic characteristic---development is retarded, setting the stage for major evolutionary change (see Gould, 1977; and Montegu, 1989). (Bjorklund, D.F. (1997) The role of immaturity inhuman development. Psychological Bulletin 122(2): 155)



Related Links